Suchergebnisse

1. Leeds and Sheffield : economic, social and political change -- 2. Hospital provision : voluntary and municipal -- 3. Patients and access -- 4. Specialization and the challenges of modern medicine -- 5. Finance -- 6. The politics of hospital provision -- 7. Co-operation, competition and the development of hospital systems.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Preface -- Note to the Reader -- 1. Popular Culture's Politics -- 2. The Zairian Sound -- 3. Made in Zaire -- 4. Live Time -- 5. Musicians and Mobility -- 6. Live Texts -- 7. The Political Life of Dance Bands -- 8. In the Skin of a Chief -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Discography -- Index

Jamat-e-Islami (JI) started as a social movement in 1941 and became an influential group to support Islamic constitution in Pakistan. Later, the leaders of this movement decided to take part in electoral politics. And in 1957, the movement evolved into a political Party. In 1964, JI was banned by the dictator Ayub Khan, because they did not support the regimes' unconstitutional martial law. After Ayub khan, the Bhutto suppressed all opposition parties including JI. In addition to this, General Zia shared power with JI for some time but quickly stripped it of all authority. It can be concluded that JI was never allowed freely participate in the political system of Pakistan. JI also suffered the schisms in the organizational structure because of its strict rules and regulations. However, Qazi Hussain Ahmad took certain measures to push JI in main stream of Pakistani politics. An attempt to find out how JI was operated in electoral politics from 1987 to 2009 has been made in this paper. It has used the Columbian school of thought as a model. This model rationalizes election on the sociological perspective, where voters are influenced by the left-right, ideological orientations, and by religion, sect, ethnicity, class, caste, rural and urban divisions. The data is collected by researching secondary sources that discussed and evaluated the electoral politics in Pakistan. A content analysis method is used to analyze the data leading to the stated findings about JI's electoral strategies.

LGBTI Politics and Value Change in Ukraine and Turkey focuses on the impact of European Union promotion of LGBTI rights in Turkey and Ukraine, offering a re-evaluation of the mechanisms used by the EU and the domestic and external conditions that result in different outcomes. With the protection of LGBTI rights becoming one of the core principles of the EU, the last two decades have seen a consistently growing commitment of the Union to defending the human rights of LGBTI people, not only in its member states but also internationally. Drawing on rich empirical data, this work uses the cases of Turkey, a candidate state, and Ukraine, a state in the European Neighbourhood, to evaluate the ability of the EU to promote tolerance and diversity in countries where the population has not experienced a radical shift of attitudes toward LGBTI people. Examining the export of 'European values', politics of LGBTI rights in the enlarged European Union, the development of LGBTI rights in Turkey and the transformation of its political system, competing normative powers and LGBTI rights in Ukraine, Maryna Shevtsova traces the Europeanization' of rights beyond Europe. This book will be of interest to researchers in LGBTI Studies, Eastern European Politics, the European Union and Gender Studies.

The relationship between conservative Latin American Christian political-religious networks and the interests of the United States over Latin America during the Cold War will be analyzed. To this end, three types of conservative religious movements with a wide diffusion during this period will be analyzed: The Protestant conservatism, Tradición Familia y Propiedad fundamentalist Catholic movement and the Opus Dei neo-fundamentalist movement. It will distinguish the favorable impact on American interests that it had, political abstentionism, conservative intra-ecclesial politics, the creation of confessional political parties and support for de facto governments through entering key positions in the state and supporting paramilitary groups. ; Se analizará la relación entre las redes político-religiosas cristianas conservadoras latinoamericanas y los intereses de Estados Unidos sobre Latinoamérica durante la Guerra Fría. Para ello se analizarán a tres tipos de movimientos religiosos conservadores con una amplia difusión en ese periodo: el conservadurismo protestante, movimiento católico integrista Tradición Familia y Propiedad y el movimiento neointegrista Opus Dei. Se distinguirá el impacto favorable a los intereses estadounidenses que tuvo, el abstencionismo político, la política intraeclesial conservadora, la creación de partidos políticos confesionales y el apoyo a gobiernos de facto a través del ingreso a cargos claves en el estado y el apoyo a grupo paramilitares. ; Será analisada a relação entre as redes político-religiosas cristãs latino-americanas conservadoras e os interesses dos Estados Unidos sobre a América Latina durante a Guerra Fria. Para isso, serão estudados 3 tipos de movimentos religiosos conservadores com ampla divulgação nesse período: o conservadorismo protestante, o movimento católico integrista TFP e o movimento neointegista Opus Dei. Distinguirá o impacto favorável que teve sobre os interesses americanos, o abstencionismo político, a política intra-eclesial conservadora, e criação de partidos políticos confessionais e apoio a governos de fato através de posições-chave no estado e apoio a grupos paramilitares. .

European integration has had a profound impact on the politics of Southern Europe, a region that was initially at the margin of the decision-making processes of the European Union, but is gradually becoming more and more influential. This volume offers a comparative overview of modern politics in Spain, Portugal, Italy, and Greece, focusing in particular on the process of integration of these countries into the European Union and on the impact of European public policy. The author analyzes the development of Southern European political systems, from the establishment of democratic governments

Abstract Background Coronary heart disease (CHD) is the major cause of death in the United States. Coronary artery calcification (CAC) scores are independent predictors of CHD. African Americans (AA) have higher rates of CHD but are less well-studied in genomic studies. We assembled the largest AA data resource currently available with measured CAC to identify associated genetic variants. Methods We analyzed log transformed CAC quantity (ln(CAC + 1)), for association with ~2.5 million single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) and performed an inverse-variance weighted meta-analysis on results for 5,823 AA from 8 studies. Heritability was calculated using family studies. The most significant SNPs among AAs were evaluated in European Ancestry (EA) CAC data; conversely, the significance of published SNPs for CAC/CHD in EA was queried within our AA meta-analysis. Results Heritability of CAC was lower in AA (~30%) than previously reported for EA (~50%). No SNP reached genome wide significance (p < 5E-08). Of 67 SNPs with p < 1E-05 in AA there was no evidence of association in EA CAC data. Four SNPs in regions previously implicated in CAC/CHD (at 9p21 and PHACTR1 ) in EA .

The nineteenth century was a time of 'movements' - political, social, moral reform causes - which drew on the energies of men and women across Britain. Radical reform at the margins of early Victorian society is studied by James Gregory in this book, focused on decades of particular social, political and technological ferment: when foreign and British promoters of extravagant technologically-assisted utopias could attract many hundreds of supporters of limited means, persuaded to escape grim conditions by emigration to South America; when pioneers of vegetarianism joined the ranks of the tempe

Ethno-nationalism presents a multitude of challenges to the structure of the international political system and to the internal governance of states. This volume explores the multifaceted nature of these challenges across the world, while also examining how states have responded to meet them, through a wide range of case studies and comparisons.

The article examines the directions of the state politics of memory in the Czech Republic regarding the problem of recognising and understanding the violence by the Czechs against the German population in 1945 and the subsequent CzechGerman reconciliation, which became an important factor of the peaceful and productive interaction of the Czech Republic and Germany in the united Europe. The adoption of a new perspective of historical memory at the stage of post-socialist transformation was primarily due to the initiatives of Czech historians and activists to study the problem of violence at the final stage of World War II on the Czech lands and the subsequent expulsion of Germans. This approach in turn was reflected in the official position of the presidents of the Czech Republic V. Havel and V. Klaus during the signing of the CzechGerman agreements and declarations, which made it possible to eliminate conflicts of perception of a common traumatic past among the current generations of Czechs and Germans. The memory of the violence against German-speaking citizens of Czechoslovakia is broadcast both through the formation of memory objects (monuments, feature films) and within the framework of local public initiatives. The review of the initiatives to perpetuate the victims of the Brno death march, undertaken in the concluding part of the article, reveals the contradictory nature of reconciliation in relation to the memory of post-war violence in contemporary Czech society.

ABSTRACTSince the 1990s, attacks on Egyptian Copts have been made legible to American (particularly evangelical) audiences through the moral imaginary of the "Persecuted Church," which argues that Christians around the globe are persecuted more than any other time in history. Images of bloodied Egyptian Coptic bodies have circulated among Western Christian religio‐political networks in an "economy of blood," an imperial economy of Christian kinship that performs the double movement of glory and racialization. This double movement has placed American Copts in a bind, whereby indigenous Coptic collective memory of blood and persecution has intersected with the political, theological, and affective kinship formations of this economy of blood. This article analyzes how the contemporary remapping of Eastern Christian traditions, like that of the Copts, produces effects on a geopolitical scale, and examines how this reconfiguration unfolds whiteness and Western Christianity. [racialization, Christian kinship, economy of blood, Persecuted Church, American Copts]