Intro -- Contents -- Preface -- 1. Karl Polanyi and the Power of Ideas -- 2. Beyond the Economistic Fallacy -- 3. Karl Polanyi and the Writing of The Great Transformation -- 4. Turning the Tables: Polanyi's Critique of Free Market Utopianism -- 5. In the Shadow of Speenhamland: Social Policy and the Old Poor Law -- 6. From Poverty to Perversity: Ideational Embeddedness and Market Fundamentalism over Two Centuries of Welfare Debate -- 7. The Enduring Strength of Free Market Conservatism in the United States -- 8. The Reality of Society -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.
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While labour provisions have been inserted in a number of EU free trade agreements (FTAs), extant clauses are widely perceived as ineffective. This article argues that there is a need to rethink the dispute settlement mechanisms related to labour provisions if their effectiveness is to be increased. It proceeds in three steps. First, we look at the current state of the art of labour provisions in EU FTAs in terms of legal design and practice and argue that the current arrangements are ill-equipped to foster compliance with labour standards. Second, we explore avenues to enhance the design of FTA labour provisions by reconsidering basic elements of the dispute settlement structure. Examining US FTA labour provisions, we highlight the importance of a formal complaint mechanism, on the one hand, and the availability of economic sanctions, on the other. Based on a review of existing practice, we contend, however, that these elements alone are not sufficient to effectively enforce FTA labour provisions. We argue that for FTA labour provisions to be effective, the current state-to-state model of dispute settlement needs to be complemented by a third-party-state dimension and that, additionally, there are good reasons to consider a third party–third party dispute settlement component. We ground these reflections in experiences with already existing instruments in other areas, namely investor-state dispute settlement and voluntary sustainability standards. Thirdly, we discuss options to better connect the dispute settlement mechanisms of FTA labour provisions to other international instruments for labour standards protection with a view to creating synergies and avoiding fragmentation between the different regimes. The focus here is on the International Labour Organization's supervisory mechanism and the framework of the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises.
While labour provisions have been inserted in a number of EU free trade agreements (FTAs), extant clauses are widely perceived as ineffective. This article argues that there is a need to rethink the dispute settlement mechanisms related to labour provisions if their effectiveness is to be increased. It proceeds in three steps. First, we look at the current state of the art of labour provisions in EU FTAs in terms of legal design and practice and argue that the current arrangements are ill-equipped to foster compliance with labour standards. Second, we explore avenues to enhance the design of FTA labour provisions by reconsidering basic elements of the dispute settlement structure. Examining US FTA labour provisions, we highlight the importance of a formal complaint mechanism, on the one hand, and the availability of economic sanctions, on the other. Based on a review of existing practice, we contend, however, that these elements alone are not sufficient to effectively enforce FTA labour provisions. We argue that for FTA labour provisions to be effective, the current state-to-state model of dispute settlement needs to be complemented by a third-party-state dimension and that, additionally, there are good reasons to consider a third party–third party dispute settlement component. We ground these reflections in experiences with already existing instruments in other areas, namely investor-state dispute settlement and voluntary sustainability standards. Thirdly, we discuss options to better connect the dispute settlement mechanisms of FTA labour provisions to other international instruments for labour standards protection with a view to creating synergies and avoiding fragmentation between the different regimes. The focus here is on the International Labour Organization's supervisory mechanism and the framework of the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises.
"Over the course of most of the twentieth century, new technologies drove increasing diversification and specialization within the economy. Du Pont, for example, which invented nylon during the Depression, managed the complexity of widespread diversification by pioneering the decentralized multidivisional organizational structure, which was almost universally adopted in large American firms after World War II. Whereas in the nineteenth century there had been just a handful of employees at their Wilmington headquarters, by 1972 there were perhaps 10,000 managers inhabiting a vast complex at the same location. The conventional wisdom is that this huge trend withdrew large swaths of the American economy from the realm of the free market and entrusted them to a new class of professional managers who had at their disposal increasingly powerful scientific methods of accounting and forecasting. It was the superior ministrations of these managers, apparently, not relative prices, that equilibrated supply and demand and made sure that goods flowed smoothly from raw materials to the final consumer. Economic historian Richard Langlois argues that it wasn't so simple. The Corporation and the Twentieth Century is an accessible account of American business enterprise and administrative planning, looking at both the rise and demise of managerial coordination, and the history of antitrust policy in this context. Offering an authoritative counterpoint to Alfred Chandler's classic The Visible Hand, Langlois shows how historic events in the twentieth century came together to drastically change the organization of American businesses. Contrary to the beliefs of some business historians, he maintains that large managerial corporations arose not because of their superiority, but as a result of systematic technological changes and larger historic forces, and that post-war events such as the Vietnam War and the fall of Bretton Woods culminated in the resurgence of market coordination, in the institutional innovations of deregulation, and in the creation of decentralized new technology. Controversially, Langlois argues that those antitrust policies viewed as successes in the past are in fact failures, and holds that there was never a period during which antitrust kept size, concentration or monopoly at bay."
The topic of neutrality on the good is linked rather closely to the ideal of political liberalism as formulated by John Rawls. The basic intuition supporting the ideal of political neutrality is that no exercise of political power can be legitimately justified solely by the reason that one way of life is intrinsically superior to others. For a number of contemporary authors, the ideal of neutrality is the hallmark of liberalism. The contributors to this volume are internationally renowned authors and in several cases among the most prominent names to be found in contemporary political theory. The book should become a reference volume on liberal neutrality.
"If our oil addiction is so bad for us, why don't we kick the habit? Looking beyond the usual culprits--Big Oil, petro-states, and the strategists of empire--Lifeblood finds a deeper and more complex explanation in everyday practices of oil consumption in American culture. Those practices, Matthew T. Huber suggests, have in fact been instrumental in shaping the broader cultural politics of American capitalism. How did gasoline and countless other petroleum products become so central to our notions of the American way of life? Huber traces the answer from the 1930s through the oil shocks of the 1970s to our present predicament, revealing that oil's role in defining popular culture extends far beyond material connections between oil, suburbia, and automobility. He shows how oil powered a cultural politics of entrepreneurial life--the very American idea that life itself is a product of individual entrepreneurial capacities. In so doing he uses oil to retell American political history from the triumph of New Deal liberalism to the rise of the New Right, from oil's celebration as the lifeblood of postwar capitalism to increasing anxieties over oil addiction. Lifeblood rethinks debates surrounding energy and capitalism, neoliberalism and nature, and the importance of suburbanization in the rightward shift in American politics. Today, Huber tells us, as crises attributable to oil intensify, a populist clamoring for cheap energy has less to do with American excess than with the eroding conditions of life under neoliberalism"--Provided by publisher.
Inspired by recent research on the cultural impact of economic change, an international team of leading academics and younger scholars examine the ways in which state and society responded to fundamental economic transition. The studies embrace all aspects of the regulatory process, from developing ideas on the economy, to the passage of legislation, and to the negotiation of economic policy and change in practice. The book challenges the general characterization of the period as a shift from a regulated economy to a more laissez-faire system, highlighting the uncertain but significant relatio.
This book is a critical contribution to the discussion on varieties of capitalism. In contrast to the mainstream VoC literature it does not have principal problems to map capitalist diversity and to understand institutional change. Its differentia specifica is the strict distinction between idealtypical and empirical varieties of capitalism and the presentation of the latter as open and relatively loosely ordered social systems (or system-like configurations). Systemness is required for competitiveness while openness, on the opposite side, stems from relatively autonomous parts (particularly companies), the possibility of equifunctional arrangements, uncertainty about functional solutions and contested goals of social development (e.g. competitiveness versus equality and environmental care). The book develops four ideal-typical varieties (liberal, statist, corporatist and meso-communitarian capitalism) and analyses the parallelism of path continuity and change but also the performances of empirical capitalisms in the contexts of globalization, Europeanization, social-structural individualization and the ideological dominance of neo-liberalism.
Innerhalb der Antiglobalisierungsbewegung spielt die Kritik an der Privatisierung öffentlicher Dienste eine herausragende Rolle. Die beiden Autoren haben schon mehrfach zum Thema Globalisierung publiziert (M. Reimon, ID 28/02; C. Felber in: "Die geheimen Spielregeln des Welthandels", BA 7/03). In ihrer jüngsten Veröffentlichung zeigen sie an abschreckenden Beispielen aus vielen Ländern, wie nachteilig sich die Privatisierung von Schulen, Krankenhäusern, Gefängnissen, Wasserversorgung oder Verkehrsbetrieben auswirken kann. Dies schließt die Entmündigung der Bürger und ihrer politischen Repräsentanten mit ein. Das Autorenduo bestreitet zudem entschieden, dass sich die Privatisierung unter volkswirtschaftlichen Gesichtspunkten überhaupt rechnet. Nutznießer seinen die privaten Betreiber, deren unternehmerisches Risiko meist durch staatliche Bürgschaften und Subventionen gegen null tendiere. Überzeugendes Plädoyer für eine starke Bürgergesellschaft, die ein Gemeinwesen verantwortlich gestalten will; zur Privatisierung der Wasserversorgung vgl. M. Barlow (BA 5/03). (2) (Michael Reisser)
