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This work proposes a fifth dimension of power based on the analysis of governmentality in organizational studies. After a literature review on the topic, we addressed a qualitative case study focused on four government programs of the municipality of Medellín: Medellín Solidaria, Planeación Local y Presupuesto Participativo, Medellín a la U, and Banco de los Pobres/Oportunidades. The data was collected from institutional documents and interviews with the managers of these programs and some of their users. Data analysis adopted a Foucauldian perspective of critical discourse analysis. The results show the deployment of neoliberal governance practices in this municipal entity, analytics of government power in the programs under study, and the construction of various subjectivities. In this sense, this work not only seeks to introduce a theoretical element but also a comprehensive analysis of such input —based on an empirical case— in order to contribute to the discussion on the dimensions of power. ; En este documento se propone una quinta dimensión de poder, a partir de una analítica de la gubernamentalidad en los estudios organizacionales. Para ello, se revisa la literatura y se relaciona un estudio de caso cualitativo focalizado en cuatro programas gubernamentales de la organización Municipio de Medellín: Medellín Solidaria, Planeación Local y Presupuesto Participativo, Medellín a la U y Banco de los pobres/Oportunidades. Los datos del caso se recolectaron a partir de documentos institucionales y entrevistas con los gestores de estos programas y algunos de sus usuarios. Para analizar esta información se utilizó el método de análisis crítico del discurso en una perspectiva foucaultiana. En los resultados se evidencian prácticas de gobierno neoliberal en el ente municipal, la analítica del poder gobierno en los programas objeto de estudio y la construcción de diversas subjetividades. En este sentido, este trabajo no solo busca proponer un elemento teórico, sino que presenta su analítica a partir de un caso empírico, en aras de contribuir a la discusión sobre las dimensiones del poder. ; Neste documento propõe-se uma quinta dimensão de poder, a partir de uma analítica da governamentalidade nos estudos organizacionais. Para tanto, revisa-se a literatura e se relaciona um estudo de caso qualitativo enfocado em quatro programas governamentais da organização Municipio de Medellín: Medellín Solidaria; Planeación Local y Presupuesto Participativo; Medellín a la U e Banco de los Pobres/Oportunidades. Os dados do caso foram coletados a partir de documentos institucionais e entrevistas com os gestores desses programas e alguns de seus usuários. Para analisar essa in-formação, utilizou-se o método de análise crítica do discurso em uma pers-pectiva foucaultiana. Nos resultados, evidenciam-se práticas de governo neoliberal no órgão municipal, a analítica do poder governo nos programas que foram objeto de estudo e a construção de diversas subjetividades. Nesse sentido, este trabalho não busca apenas propor um elemento teórico, mas também apresenta sua análise a partir de um caso empírico com o objetivo de contribuir para a discussão sobre as dimensões do poder.

The convergent development of (renewable) distributed electricity sources, storage technologies (e.g., batteries), 'big data' devices (e.g., sensors, smart meters), and novel ICT infrastructure matching energy supply and demand (smart grids) enables new local and collective forms of energy consumption and production. This socio-technical evolution has been accompanied by the development of citizen energy communities that have been supported by EU energy governance and directives, adopting a political narrative of placing the citizen central in the ongoing energy transition. But to what extent are the ideals that motivate the energy community movement compatible with those of neoliberalism that have guided EU energy policy for the last four decades? Using a framework inspired by Michel Foucault's idea of governmentality, we analyze the two political forms from three dimensions: ontological, economic and power politics. For the ontological and the economic dimensions, neoliberal governmentality is flexible enough to accommodate the tensions raised by the communitarians. In the dimension of power politics however, the communitarian logic does raise a fundamental challenge to neoliberal governmentality in the sense that it explicitly aims for a redefinition of the 'common good' of society's energy supply based on democratic premises.

The construction of men sicarios´ masculinities, in the context of war on drugs in Mexico, have mainly been thought in terms of obtaining empowerment and prestige through violence. Thus, the article posits a theoretical analysis in order to comprehend that these masculinities are also determined by a subjection of dispossession, articulated in the relation of subjectivity, labor and neoliberalism. From this perspective, the article uses theoretical concepts of "governmentality", "dispositive" and "subjectivity", aiming to track in some men sicarios´ testimonies how the labor structure of organized crime, as a power dispositive of a neoliberal/warlike governmentality, transforms these men´s subjectivities, allowing them to accept the disposability of their bodies. I conclude that these modes of subjectivity are fundamental to sustain armed confrontation, triggering a "warlike capital" that defines men sicarios´masculinities. ; La construcción de masculinidades de hombres sicarios, en el marco de la guerra contra el narco en México, se ha indagado mayoritariamente en términos de obtención de prestigio y empoderamiento por medio de la violencia. Ante ello, este artículo elabora una propuesta teórica para entender que esas masculinidades también se conforman por una sujeción al despojo que nace de la imbricación entre subjetividad, trabajo y neoliberalismo. Así, se usan las elaboraciones teóricas "gubernamentalidad", "dispositivo" y "subjetividad" para rastrear, en un conjunto de testimonios de hombres sicarios, la manera en que las estructuras laborales del crimen organizado, como dispositivos de un poder gubernamental neoliberal/bélico, producen modos de subjetivación que les hacen asumir a estos individuos la despojabilidad de sus cuerpos. Se concluye que dichas subjetividades son propicias para el sostenimiento de la confrontación armada, pues catalizan la emergencia de un "capital guerrero", definidor de las masculinidades (bélicas) de estos varones.

The article examines the numerous attempts to use Foucauldian concepts of power & discourse in analyses of development policy. Best known among these is the so-called post-development school, whose exaggerations & implausible generalizations can be traced back to an improper use of Foucauldian theory. Other attempts also provide interesting insights while leaving some questions unanswered. Foucauldian concepts in development theory point to the historical contingency of the idea of development as well as to its Eurocentric & ideological implications. As yet, however, the relations between the macrolevel of development policy & the microlevel of the individual are not sufficiently explored. Therefore, an application of the thus far neglected Foucauldian concept of governmentality on development policy seems promising. 44 References. Adapted from the source document.

Crowdsourcing can be analyzed not only as a mechanism for empowerment, but also as operating a form of control over volunteers. This article applies Foucault's notion of governmentality to examine relations between traditional governmental institutions and users of crowdsourcing platforms in Russia. Through a comparative analysis of two emergency volunteering portals, Dobrovoletz, and Rynda.org, we describe "vertical crowdsourcing" as a strategy by traditional (government affiliated) actors to use crowdsourcing platforms to govern and control volunteers. This is in contrast to horizontally organized, or ground-up understandings of crowd-volunteering platforms. Two alternative discourses around the role of crowd members are further discussed: volunteers as actors who can contribute resources to the achievement of a common goal, and the crowd as a threat to central government that needs to be controlled.

Im Zentrum des vorliegenden Beitrags steht die Reflexion des Verhältnisses von gouvernementalitätstheoretischen und praxeologisch-intersektionalen Perspektiven auf Körpertechniken wie z.B. Fitness oder plastische Chirurgie. In der Diskussion geht es darum, diese insbesondere im Hinblick auf die Frage erkenntnistheoretischer Produktivität zu diskutieren: Wofür sensibilisiert eine gouvernementalitätstheoretische Perspektive und inwiefern erscheint eine intersektionale und praxistheoretische Perspektive als Ergänzung sinnvoll? Mit dieser Diskussion soll ein Impuls für eine sozialwissenschaftliche Auseinandersetzung gegeben werden, in der die Körper und ihre Praktiken in Bezug auf die Widersprüchlichkeit gesellschaftlicher Machtverhältnisse diskutiert werden. ; The article focuses on the discussion of two perspectives on body technologies e.g. fitness or plastic surgery: firstly an approach that is inspired by Governmentality Studies and secondly a praxeologically motivated intersectional perspective. In the paper, their epistemological productivity is questioned: How does the first perspective sensitise the view on the body and in which way might an intersectional approach be able to add something? The article aims for a social scientific discussion about the body and its practices in relation to the ambivalences of social power structures.

This article intends to trace the genealogy of modern subjectivity offered by Michel Foucault along his work, linking the critic of the subject as sovereign conscience –developed during the '60s- with the reflexion on the subject of the liberal governmentality carried on in Security, territory, population and The birth of biopolitics, and the analysis of the veridiction of the self undertaken in the last seminars delivered at the Collège de France. In this sense, it is possible to observe a certain continuity in the approach to the problem of modern subjectivity, as we can see in the attempt to dismantle the image of the subject's sovereignty done in The order of the things and Archaeology of knowledge showing the effectual condition of the subject as an individual capable of finding the truth of its self, its desire, its interest, a crucial question in the governmental strategy of liberalism. That type of subject is forged, along the Western history, through a series of technologies that will enable a subjective structure defined as inwardness, as the folding of the self, as self-contemplation. The modern subject thus forged, as far as he is at the core of the liberal governmental rationality, is at the same time modelled by the critical ethos that prompts him to problematize what he is, what he does and the world where he lives, allowing him to think, to act and to reconstitute himself differently. ; Este artículo intenta reconstruir la genealogía de la subjetividad moderna que propone Michel Foucault a lo largo de su producción, vinculando el ejercicio crítico en torno al sujeto como conciencia soberana desplegado en los años '60, con la reflexión sobre el sujeto de la gubernamentalidad liberal que aparece en Seguridad, territorio y población y Nacimiento de la biopolítica, y el análisis de la veridicción de sí desarrollado los últimos cursos dictados en el Collège de France. En este sentido es posible rastrear cierta continuidad en el abordaje de la problemática de la subjetividad moderna, en la medida en que el intento por desmontar la imagen de la soberanía del sujeto que hace Foucault en Las palabras y las cosas y la Arqueología del saber da cuenta del carácter de efecto de ese sujeto capaz de encontrar la verdad de sí, de su deseo y de su interés, que es central en la estrategia gubernamental del liberalismo. Ese sujeto se forja en la historia de Occidente a partir de una serie de tecnologías que van a habilitar una estructura subjetiva definida como interioridad, como pliegue sobre sí mismo, como autocontemplación del yo. El sujeto moderno así forjado, a la vez que abona la racionalidad gubernamental del liberalismo, está atravesado por un ethos crítico en el marco del cual puede problematizar lo que es, lo que hace y el mundo en que vive, lo que le permite pensar, actuar y ser de otro modo.

Problematic organizational relationships have recently been at the core of highly visible media coverage. Most analyses of sexual relations in organizations have been, however, simplistic and unidimensional, and have placed insufficient systematic emphasis on the role of governmentality in the social construction of organizational romance. In this article, we proceed in two theoretical steps. First, we elaborate a typology of organizational romance that covers different manifestations of this nuanced process. We think of these as organizational strategies of governmentality. Second, we elaborate and identify liminal cases that fall into the interstices of the four predominant ways of managing sexual relationships in organizations. We think of these as vases of liquid love and life that evade the border controls of regulation by governmentality. Finally, we relate these issues to debates about the nature of the civilizational process and suggest hypotheses for future research. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

Drawing on the Israeli 'Immanuel Affair' (also called the 'Israeli Brown Affair'), we examine the complex relationship between governmentality and population compositions. In the town of Immanuel, the State attempted to establish a homogeneous population of ultra-orthodox Jews by opening it to unrestricted settlement. Rather than homogeneity however, this strategy produced a divided community, whose Ashkenazi and Mizrahi residents barely interact, and the State responded by withdrawing from its governance. Contrary to the perception prevalent in the literature on governmentality, which refers to the governed population as a homogeneous body, this case invites inquiry into forms of governing in multi-population situations whose radical heterogeneity resists the State's homogenization attempts. We argue that examining governmentality through management of events (or Foucault's notion of 'the milieu') – like the Immanuel Affair – allows for greater appreciation of the interaction between complex governance mechanisms and heterogenic populations.

Taiwan and Estonia are known as digital democracies facing threats from neighbors exploiting the vulnerabilities stemming from their degree of digitalization. Nevertheless, in their responses to the COVID-19 pandemic, Taiwan and Estonia have highlighted the strengths of digital democracy in combating a non-traditional security threat without employing the strong-arm tactics of authoritarian states. The goal of the article is to distinguish between vulnerability in cyberspace and digital power and put forward a conception of digital power to explain how Estonia and Taiwan were using their digital prowess to combat COVID-19. We argue that on one hand, their reliance on cybertechnology makes them particularly vulnerable to cyberattacks, but on the other their digital power enhances their global stature and domestic capacity to address threats such as COVID-19. The article starts by engaging with the ongoing academic debate on the concept of digital power and its political core. In the next section we adapt this concept to the policy practices of digital governance in Estonia and Taiwan. Lastly, we look more specifically at how investments in the IT sphere and e-governance were helpful for the two countries during the initial stage of the COVID-19 crisis. In conclusion, we highlight the paradox of two democracies choosing to extend the reach of the state into society through the use of digital tools to combat COVID-19. We further note that the pandemic provides a new biopolitical understanding of vulnerability and power in the digital realm.