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ObjectiveThe recent surge in hate group activity is a concern to many citizens and policymakers. We examine the roles of socioeconomic factors measured at the county level that are hypothesized to account for the presence of such groups, including social capital and religious affiliations.MethodsWe estimate aPoisson regression model using counts of hate groups provided by theSouthernPovertyLawCenter for each of the over 3,000 U.S. counties. Our regressors include a wider set of variables than has been considered in previous studies, such asJefferson andPryor (1999).ResultsOur approach produces a better statistical fit than that inJefferson andPryor's paper, and the additional regressors contribute significantly to our understanding of hate groups.ConclusionBoth social capital stocks and religious affiliation exert an independent and statistically significant influence on the number of hate groups, as does the presence ofWal‐Mart stores, holding other factors constant.

The Failure of Democracy in Iraq studies democratization in post-2003 Iraq that has so far failed due mainly to cultural and religious reasons. There are other factors, such as legacy of the dictatorial regime, exclusionary policies, stateness problem, interference by regional powers, rentier economy and sectarianism, that have impeded democracy and contributed to its failure, but the employment of religion in politics was the most to blame. The establishment of stable democratic institutions continues to elude Iraq, 15 years after toppling the dictatorship. The post-2003 Iraq could not completely eradicate the long historical tradition of despotic governance due to deep-seated religious beliefs and tribal values, along with widening societal ethno-sectarian rifts which precluded the negotiation of firm and stable elite settlements and pacts across communal lines. The book examines how the fear by neighbouring countries of a region-wide domino effect of the Iraq democratization process caused them to adopt interventionist policies towards Iraq that helped to stunt the development of democracy. The lack of commitment by the initiator of democratic process, the United States, undermined the prospects of democratic consolidation. This is compounded by serious mistakes such as the Deba'athification and disbanding the Iraqi army and security apparatuses which caused a security vacuum the US forces were not able to fill. The Failure of Democracy in Iraq is a key resource for all students and academics interested in Democracy, Islam and Middle East Studies

Público y sagrado : espacio para dos voces : breve recorrido metodológico / Carlos Delgado Flores y Jaime J. Palacio Rada -- Religión y política : una aproximación cartográfica / Carlos Delgado Flores y Jaime J. Palacio Rada -- Reflexiones de un sociológico sobre la Venezuela actual / Jaime J. Palacio Rada -- Magia y política de vivir a gusto / Samuel Hurtado Salazar -- Religión y política : ¿universos paralelos? : la relación religión-política en la Venezuela actual / Enrique Alí González Ordosgoitti -- Santeros y santeras : mucho más que toma y dame / Leticia Marius -- Intermediaciones, policromía imaginal y el contacto con la gente / Maripili Golpe López -- Desconfianza, política y práctica religiosa en la Venezuela actual / Manuel Llorens -- Prácticas religiosas y orientaciones políticas de los venezolanos en 2017 / Juan Manuel Trak -- El descubrimiento del otro : política y religión en la Venezuela del siglo XXI / Juan José Rosales Sánchez

Whether religious and other voluntary associations should reflect public values is a subject of controversy. Corey Brettschneider argues that the state should assert its own values of free and equal citizenship, deliberately attempting to transform the beliefs of illiberal groups through court decisions and through selective withdrawal of tax exemptions. I argue, however, that as long as individuals and groups comply with the law, it is not the business of the state to change their beliefs. Moreover, public authority itself does not always exemplify his preferred values. Second, although I oppose direct funding for organizations that oppose public values, determining which organizations espouse the "right" values accords too much power to public authority. Moreover, many associations evolve over time. Finally, the true threat lies in practices that voluntary associations may seek to impose on the larger community.

1. Variation in social movement outcomes -- 2. Mobilizing beyond the secular -- 3. Founding, goals, and nationalism -- 4. Marginalization and mainstreaming -- 5. Sowing seeds of discontent -- 6. Crisis and opportunity -- 7. Rebuilding -- 8. Transnational links -- 9. Activists and the secular.

ENVER HOXHA'S TOTALITARIAN RULE IS NOT ENTIRELY BASED ON MARX, LENIN, AND STALIN, BUT IS DEEPLY ROOTED IN ALBANIAN MATIONALISM. POLITICAL QUESTIOUS WERE ALWAYS LINKED WITH PROBLEMS OF RELIGIOUS GROUPS IN ALBANIA. SPECIFIC EXAMPLES SHOW HOW UNDER THE COMMUNIST REGIME THESE GROUPS WERE PRESECUTED FOR POSING A THREAT TO THE POLICICAL UNITY OF THE NEW NATION.

The principle of the autonomy of religious cults from the state is found in many of the Constitutions of European states and it has also been asserted by ECHR. In the case of Romania, this principle was noted for the first time by the 1869 Organic Statute of the Romanian Greek Orthodox Church of Hungary and Transylvania. This was not the case after 1918 when the term autonomy cannot be found in the 1923 Constitution, the 1928 Law on the general regime of religions or in the 1925 Statute of the Romanian Orthodox Church. The period of the communist regime marked the same absence of Church autonomy from the state in constitutional or canonical law. Only with the 1991 Constitution this principle is constitutionally guaranteed by Article 29, paragraph 5. This Article investigate the principle of autonomy from the perspective of Constitution and canon law comments, taking into account also the Law no. 489/2006 on the freedom of religions and the general regime of cults and the 2008 Romanian Orthodox Church Statute. A particular aspect of the autonomy, the right of religious denominations to have their own jurisdictional bodies is discussed by analyzing relevant provisions of the law and the Statute mentioned above and also the interpretations of the courts and the Constitutional Court. The conclusion is that the idea of autonomy is shaped in such a way to mirror a reflection in the canon law of the way in which the separation and balance of powers are conceived in constitutional law.

One basic component that represents a genuine danger to International Peace and Security was and is Ethno-Religious situated clashes in a profoundly divided society. Ethno-Religious clashes in Iraq, Syria, the Central African Republic, Myanmar, Nigeria, South Sudan and Ukraine among others pull in worldwide consideration and present horrible situations of mass abominations in the influenced state. This paper explores a critical question, what can religious actors do to help deeply divided societies rediscover a sense of living together and building long term peace in the wake of identity-based violence? The objective of this paper is to examine the role of religion in peacebuilding and social cohesion. This paper employs the multidimensional approach of research which is in pursuit of truth, and also the paper relies mainly on research works such as thesis, dissertations, research journals, newspapers and magazines. The finding reveals that religious actors play a critical role as a stakeholder in peacebuilding in deeply divided societies to rediscover a sense of living together and building long term peace in the wake of identity-based violence and should be involved at all stages of the peace process. The study recommends that the Borno State Government should engage religious actors or faith-based organisations in formulating a policy program that is directed towards promoting social coexistence in a deeply divided society like ours to improve social well-being as well as critical drivers of sustainable development, peace and security.