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This volume brings to the fore the interface of religion, womens sexual reproductive health and rights (SRHR), and the sustainable development goals (SDGs) in Zimbabwe. It emphasizes that empowering African women is a pivotal pillar for attaining sustainable development. Contributors discuss the need for implementing structural changes as a prerequisite for social progress and development to occur in Southern Africa. They interrogate the extent to which religious beliefs and practices either promote or impede womens SRHR. The contributors also proffer several ways in which addressing the themes of health for all and equality for all women and girls can make a meaningful contribution towards the fulfillment of the goals set for Agenda 2030. .

This volume brings to the fore the interface of religion, womens sexual reproductive health and rights (SRHR), and the sustainable development goals (SDGs) in Zimbabwe. It emphasizes that empowering African women is a pivotal pillar for attaining sustainable development. Contributors discuss the need for implementing structural changes as a prerequisite for social progress and development to occur in Southern Africa. They interrogate the extent to which religious beliefs and practices either promote or impede womens SRHR. The contributors also proffer several ways in which addressing the themes of health for all and equality for all women and girls can make a meaningful contribution towards the fulfillment of the goals set for Agenda 2030.

This paper analyzes in comparative key, the trajectory of the Chilean and Italian Christian Democratic parties in the second half of the twentieth century, paying special attention to the impact that changes in the agenda of the Catholic Church had on the fortunes of this political actor. The analysis begins with the postwar years, when the Church developed a concern about an atheistic Marxism that challenged catholic views of society; as a consequence, the Church established a special relationship with Christian Democratic parties. Then, the paper describes the political impact of the second Vatican Council. Finally, the paper considers Church's recent emphasis on individual morality as well as the adoption of forms of political action akin to pressure groups. The comparative analysis shows the similarities of the Italian and Chilean cases regarding the left and right-wing alignments facing religious matters. The analogies help us to understand the identity crisis which affects, in both cases, Catholic political groups which converged to center-left coalitions. ; ste trabajo analiza, en clave comparada, la trayectoria de los partidos demócratacristianos chileno e italiano en la segunda mitad del siglo xx, poniendo una especial atención en las repercusiones que los cambios en la agenda de la Iglesia católica tuvieron sobre las suertes de este actor político. El periodo abarcado va desde los años de la posguerra, en que la preocupación por el desafío del marxismo ateo llevó a la Iglesia a establecer una relación privilegiada con la DC; pasando por las repercusiones políticas del Concilio Vaticano II; hasta la más reciente énfasis de la Iglesia en la esfera de la moralidad personal, acompañada por la adopción de modalidades de acción política típicas de un «grupo de presión». El artículo evidencia una serie de analogías que han marcado esta evolución en los dos casos analizados, las que guardan relación con la historia de los dos países y con el osicionamiento de derechas e izquierdas frente al tema religioso. Estas analogías nos permiten entender a la crisis identitaria que hoy afecta, en ambos casos, a los sectores del catolicismo político que han confluido en coaliciones de centroizquierda.

Asian American Religions: The Making and Remaking of Borders and Boundaries. Tony Carnes and Fenggang Yang, eds. New York: New York University Press, 2004. 399 pp.

"Der religiöse Fundamentalismus ist ein komplexes gesellschaftliches Phänomen, das in Regionen und Staaten vielseitige Formen annimmt. Pakistans historische Entwicklung kann ein wichtiges Beispiel zum Verständnis dieses Phänomens sein. Denn in Geschichte und Gegenwart kommt ihm Bedeutung zu. Der vorliegende Aufsatz nähert sich dieser Frage. Er stellt den religiösen Fundamentalismus als eine historische Größe dar, die ihre gesellschaftliche Kraft durch ein besonderes Zusammenwirken von Politik und Religion entfaltet. Pakistan und darüber hinaus Südasien sind in diesem Zusammenhang hervorzuheben. Hier liegt der historische Stellenwert des religiösen Fundamentalismus auch in den Umständen ihrer Staatengründung begründet. Religiöser Fundamentalismus wurde somit ein ideologisches Phänomen, das die politischen und staatlichen Strukturen reflektierte und sie beeinflusste. Nachfolgend bildet der Aspekt der historischen Perspektive des religiösen Fundamentalismus sowie sich seine daraus ergebende Bedeutung Ausgangspunkte der Betrachtung. Hierzu werden die Grundlagen des Staates Pakistan, seine politischen Entwicklungen bis zur Gegenwart sowie das Wirken des bedeutendsten Repräsentanten des religiösen Fundamentalismus, Maulana Sayyid Abul A'la Maududi, hinzugezogen." (Textauszug)

The victory of Joko Widodo ('Jokowi') in Jakarta's 2012 gubernatorial election has been described as a "triumph of democracy" as Joko and his running mate Basuki Tjahaja Purnama ('Ahok'), a Chinese Christian, successfully won the election despite negative ethno-religious campaigns against them. How exactly did the ethno-religious boundary influence the election? By analysing the results of the election in relation to ethnicities and religions using the 2000 National Census, the author reveals an ethno-political map of Jakarta, for political analysis a potentially important but still under-researched area. The article then proceeds to examine the 'religionisation' process of the election campaign. The incumbent governor, Fauzi Bowo, carefully established his religious image and tried to mobilise support through religious symbols and persuasion, even though the electoral results seemed to be divided along ethnic lines. Joko also participated in a number of religious campaigns, albeit in a different way that was more subtle. Because ideological differences between Islamic and secular nationalist parties have become blurred and the general 'religionisation' of Indonesian society has continued, religious campaigns are becoming more important in domestic politics, even for 'less-Islamic' politicians like Joko. (JCSA/GIGA)

Democratic politics creates a specific 'chain of representation'. According to Article 104 of the Polish Constitution, the MPs are the representatives of the entire Nation. The understanding of the "entire Nation" allows to determine whether national identity is open and inclusive, or closed and exclusive. One can distinguish two ideal types of a nation: heterogeneous and homogeneous. The first type is connected to the universalist understanding of "constitutional essentials", the second to the particularistic one. In the paper, we pointed out the elements of heterogeneity in the text of Polish constitutions as well as the elements of homogeneity in the constitutional practice. Religion becomes an important factor influencing the interpretation and application of the constitution. The heterogeneous concept of the nation and the universalist "constitutional essentials" can be narrowed down in the political practice. The particularistic elements of the constitution and the homogenizing tendencies present in the application of the constitution might lead to polarization. In such a case, there would be a radical reinterpretation of the entire chain of delegation.