Suchergebnisse

This article explores the impact of migration on interstate relations of source, transit, and target states by focusing on the Western Balkan migration route post-2015. The theoretic approach of the Copenhagen School is employed as it allows to interpret the securitising logic of discourse acts as well as the logic of regional security complexes. The article identifies the recurring themes of "unmanageable numbers" and "unmanageable integration" which were prevalent in the European discourse. Next, the article recounts a series of Europe wide unilateral border measures which were the result of individual governments attempting to limit the flow of migrants. Unilateral actions can result in flow blockage, diversion, or aggregation. The transnational nature of migration management is explored, as well as why states might act unilaterally or multilaterally and what negative or positive impacts could such actions have on other states involved. The article concludes that the Balkan region's EU and NATO aspirations played a key role in shaping its response to the crisis synergising with the regional EU's security overlap. As far as Romania is concerned, it must continue to expand its migration management capacities in order to successfully do its part to mitigate its risk exposure and maximise its strategic diplomatic leverage vis-à-vis the issue of migration, especially in the eventuality of its inclusion into the Schengen area.

Tratando específicamente de no caer ni en el eclecticismo ni en la redundancia, este artículo tiene por objetivo desarrollar una perspectiva dialógica de las Relaciones Internacionales en el ámbito metateórico del constructivismo. La idea de dialogismo sostiene que el mundo social se construye por medio del entrelazamiento de discursos entre varios interlocutores que se responden los unos a los otros. Del mismo modo, proporciona una herramienta interpretativa, el enfoque hermenéutico, que permite concebir la identidad de los interlocutores como un factor en las RRII por medio de la diferenciación entre su expresividad, la contextualidad y la relacionabilidad. El presente artículo, que aborda más detenidamente los conceptos de la identidad y la formación de la identidad en la disciplina de las RRII, comprende la identidad nacional como un aspecto que se refleja en un factor concreto de la política exterior: la política de alteridad. Basando mi enfoque en las obras del intelectual ruso Mijaíl Mijáilovich Bajtín, en la primera parte del artículo defino cómo hemos de entender el dialogismo y su noción constitutiva de la exterioridad. La segunda parte está dedicada a la integración de facto del concepto del dialogismo en la disciplina de las RRII. Un ejemplo tomado de la política interior y exterior japonesa anterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial nos facilita además la comprensión del argumento teórico sobre la relación entre lo nacional y lo internacional en una política de alteridad ; Trying specifically not to fall into either eclecticism or redundancy, this paper is an attempt to develop a dialogical understanding of international relations within the meta-theoretical field of constructivism. Dialogism holds that the social world is constructed through an interweaving of mutually-responsive discourses between several agents. Further, it provides an interpretative tool, the hermeneutical locus, to understand agents' identities as a factor in international relations by discerning their expressivity, contextuality and relationality. Dealing more closely with the questions of identity and identity formation within the discipline of International Relations, the paper further regards national identity as a factor which is expressed in a particular aspect of foreign policy: the politics of alterity. Grounding my approach in the works of the Russian intellectual Mikhail Mikhailovitch Bakhtin, in the first part of the paper I define what is to be understood by dialogism and its constitutive notion of transgredience. The second part is dedicated to the actual integration of dialogism within the discipline of International Relations. An example drawn from Japanese domestic and foreign policy prior to the Second World War further facilitates the comprehension of the theoretical argument concerning the link between the national and the international in a politics of alterity

Discusses the personal, disciplinary, methodological, & professional difficulties in engaging in fruitful interdisciplinary scholarship for the fields of international law, international relations, & sociology. References. D. Edelman

This article explores the norm of state responsibility by asking two research questions — (1) How do states become the responsible agents rather than people in International Relations? (2) What are the consequences of holding states responsible? States become responsible because of the structure of the international system and the power of the dominant states in that system. This hypothesis is explained by demonstrating how international law and foreign policy require state agents that can be held responsible for their actions, but do not depend on specification of free will within the state for holding it responsible. This hypothesis is counterintuitive to the assumption that responsibility derives from free will. The consequence of a state being held responsible is that individual agency is undermined, leading to violations of civil and political rights. This hypothesis is explained by the effects of war, reparations and lack of support for political dissent in a responsible state agent. The argument is supported by a case study of US foreign policy toward Iraq. The conclusion is that state responsibility is not a viable moral construct in the late 20th century. While blame and responsibility will continue to play a role in International Relations, we must realize that the decision to blame is a political one, reflecting political relationships and levels of power.