Faith and politics: religion and ideology among political contributors
In: American politics quarterly, Band 14, S. 186-200
ISSN: 0044-7803
United States. Influence of religiosity on party and political action committee contributors.
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In: American politics quarterly, Band 14, S. 186-200
ISSN: 0044-7803
United States. Influence of religiosity on party and political action committee contributors.
World Affairs Online
In: Routledge research in religion and development
1. Religion, development and geography -- 2. Vanuatu and Christian churches -- 3. Minhaj-ul-Quran international, charity and education -- 4. Songdhammakalyani monastery and gender equity in modern Buddhism -- 5. Kalani, 'nature, culture, wellness' and sustainable development -- 6. Stand up and Muslim Sudanese women in Melbourne -- 7. Conclusion : bridging theory and practice around place and space.
En este trabajo se analiza, desde un punto de vista crítico, el posicionamiento habermasiano en torno a su actual reconocimiento de los posibles aportes de las religiones al estado de derecho. Se afirma que tal postura no entraña contradicción con los presupuestos de la democracia deliberativa, ni afecta la calidad epistémica de sus procedimientos decisorios. Ahora bien, y precisamente por esto, la tesis a defender sostiene que, dado los exigentes requisitos que el filósofo establece para la participación de los ciudadanos religiosos en el ámbito político, tal reconocimiento en realidad no resulta tan significativo como el mismo lo presenta, pues establece como condición para las posibles contribuciones de tales ciudadanos que estos acepten las implicancias normativas del discurso argumentativo, que aseguran el valor cognitivo del procedimiento decisorio de la política deliberativa. El resultado del planteo de estas exigencias es que los aportes a la política basados en la fe solo resultan admisibles si no se presentan como tales. ; In this work is analyzed, from a critic point of view, the position of Habermas around his current recognition of the possible contributions of religions to the rule of law. It argues that such position does not involve contradiction with the presupposition of deliberative democracy, or affect the epistemic quality of their decision process. But precisely because of this reason, the thesis to defend holds that, in view of the demanding requirements that the philosopher establishes for the participation of the religious citizens in the political area, such a recognition actually does not turn out to be so significant as the philosopher presents it, since it establishes as condition to the possible contributions of such citizens, that they accept the normative implications of the argumentative discourse, which assure the cognitive value of the decision-making process of the deliberative politics. The result of consider these requirements, is that the contributions to politics based on faith are only admissible if they are not presented as such. ; Fil: Prono, Santiago Nicolas. Universidad Nacional del Litoral. Instituto de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales del Litoral. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Santa Fe. Instituto de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales del Litoral.; Argentina
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In: Innsbruck studies in philosophy of religion volume 2
Panpsychism has become a highly attractive position in the philosophy of mind. On panpsychism, both the physical and the mental are inseparable and fundamental features of reality. Panentheism has also become immensely popular in the philo-sophy of religion. Panentheism strives for a higher reconciliation of an atheistic pantheism, on which the universe itself is causa sui, and the ontological dualism of necessarily existing, eternal creator and contingent, fi nite creation. Historically and systematically, panpsychism and panentheism often went together as essential parts of an all-embracing metaphysical theory of Being. The present collection of essays analyses the relation between panpsychism and panentheism and provides critical reflections on the significance of panpsychistic and panentheistic thinking for recent debates in philosophy and theology.
To the Victorians, the Chinese were invariably "inscrutable." The meaning and provenance of this impression—and, most importantly, its workings in nineteenth-century Protestant missionary encounters with Chinese religion—are at the center of Eric Reinders's Borrowed Gods and Foreign Bodies, an enlightening look at how missionaries' religious identity, experience, and physical foreignness produced certain representations of China between 1807 and 1937. Reinders first introduces the imaginative world of Victorian missionaries and outlines their application of mind-body dualism to the dualism of self and other. He then explores Western views of the Chinese language, especially ritual language, and Chinese ritual, particularly the kow-tow. His work offers surprising and valuable insight into the visceral nature of the Victorian response to the Chinese—and, more generally, into the nineteenth-century Western representation of China
In: Religion and reason volume 57
"The Labour Church was an organisation fundamental to the British socialist movement during the formative years of the Independent Labour Party (ILP) and Labour Party between 1891 and 1914. It was founded by the Unitarian Minister John Trevor in Manchester in 1891 and grew rapidly thereafter. Its political credentials were on display at the inaugural conference of the ILP in 1893, and the Labour Church proved a formative influence on many pioneers of British socialism. This book provides an analysis of the Labour Church, its religious doctrine, its socio-political function and its role in the cultural development of the early socialist arm of the labour movement. It includes a detailed examination of the Victorian morality and spirituality upon which the life of the Labour Church was built. Jacqui Turner challenges previously held assumptions that the Labour Church was irreligious and merely a political tool. She provides a new cultural picture of a diverse and inclusive organisation, committed to individualism and an individual relationship with God. As such, this book brings together two major controversies of late-Victorian Britain: the emergence of independent working-class politics and the decline of traditional religion in a work which will be essential reading for all those interested in the history of the labour movement."--
In: Sozialer Protest: Studien zu traditioneller Resistenz und kollektiver Gewalt in Deutschland vom Vormärz bis zur Reichsgründung, S. 304-324
Am Beispiel der im östlichen Teil der preußischen Provinz Westfalen gelegenen Region Minden-Ravensberg wird dargelegt, welchen Einfluß Religion auf die Form sozialer Proteste hat. Als ein Zentrum des protoindustriellen Leinengewerbes bestand die Bevölkerung hauptsächlich aus Kleinbauern und Tagelöhnern. In dieser protestantisch geprägten Region gewann die Erweckungsbewegung, die die Autorität der Bibel und den Primat des religiösen Gebots gegenüber der weltlichen Moral betonte, immer mehr Anhänger. Die Bewegung erwies sich dann im Vormärz insofern als konflikthemmend, da offener gewalttätiger Aufruhr nur sehr selten vorkam. Andere Protestformen wie Diebstahl und Schuldenbetrug ließen sich angesichts der herrschenden Not sehr wohl mit dem Glauben vereinbaren. (HOE)
In: Eurofuture: the quarterly review on EU international action, S. ), 5 S
ISSN: 1769-3195
World Affairs Online
In: Religion in North America
In: Sydney studies in religion 1
In: Social science quarterly, Band 61, Heft 1, S. 144-148
ISSN: 0038-4941
In assessing statewide referenda in Okla, considerable support was found for the proposition that religion is as important as sociological characteristics in its effect on moral votes. In fact, if Methodists had been included in a measure of religious conservatism, as some research has done, fundamentalism would have emerged as the most powerful influence on moral issues, eg, repealing prohibition, selling liquor by the drink, & pari-mutuel betting. Although ruralness & social isolation are often thought to be prime determinants of less progressive social attitudes, in this investigation effects of such a measure were mixed. For liquor & gambling votes, rural isolation was of little consequence when social status was controlled. Apparently, for referenda issues of this sort-the typical moral questions-such influences as education, income, & occupation are more critical than geography. 1 Table. Modified Author Conclusion.
In: Araucaria: filosofía y ciencia, Heft 49, S. 430-451
ISSN: 2340-2199
En este trabajo pretendemos dar cuenta de la posición que destacados intelectuales hispanos de mediados/finales del siglo XVIII y de principios del XIX (ya con cultura constitucional primero y con constitucionalismo, después) sostuvieron respecto de la denominada "sociedad comercial", a partir de lo que se entendía como su motor esencial: el "amor propio" o "interés ". Una sociedad comercial y una ciencia que le era propia, la "economía política" que contenía una amplia consideración moral, que nos interesa especialmente. Y, precisamente de resultas de la compatibilización que dichos intelectuales desarrollaron de este principio compartido y esencial de las diversas ilustraciones con la confesionalidad católica propia de la Monarquía hispánica, primero, y de la Nación Católica, después, creemos posible hablar de la existencia en el conjunto del Atlántico hispano de una Ilustración católica que tendría un papel destacado en tanto que Ilustración pero también como presupuesto explicativo del peculiar constitucionalismo hispano. Palabras-clave: Ilustración católica, catolicismo ilustrado, interés, amor propio, religión, sociedad comercial, epistemología sensista.