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In: Public administration and development: the international journal of management research and practice, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 273-274
ISSN: 1099-162X
In: International journal of urban and regional research, Band 38, Heft 5, S. 1927-1928
ISSN: 1468-2427
In: Capital & class, Band 36, Heft 1, S. 35-51
ISSN: 2041-0980
In: Rapporten aan de regering, no. 69
Does the fact that the majority of Turkey's population is Muslim form a hindrance to its EU membership? According to a recent policy advice by the Netherlands Scientific Council for Government Policy (WRR), the answer is an adamant 'no'. Why is this issue of Turkish Islam relevant? After all, Turkey should not be judged by standards other than the Copenhagen criteria. The answer is that the public debate outside 'Brussels' will not be limited to these official criteria. Many people in Europe are worried about Turkey's 'Islam factor'. They believe that Muslims are (potentially violent) fundamentalists who want to establish a theocracy. By explicitly examining the role of Turkish Islam and Muslims in Turkey, the WRR wants to contribute to a well-informed European public debate on Turkey's accession.
In: Dissent: a journal devoted to radical ideas and the values of socialism and democracy, S. 5-10
ISSN: 0012-3846
In: The round table: the Commonwealth journal of international affairs, Heft 265, S. 20-24
ISSN: 0035-8533
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of family history: studies in family, kinship and demography, Band 25, Heft 1, S. 128-129
ISSN: 1552-5473
In: Signs: journal of women in culture and society, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 600-611
ISSN: 1545-6943
In: Signs: journal of women in culture and society, Band 1, Heft 3, Part 1, S. 749-756
ISSN: 1545-6943
In: Journal of global security studies, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 4-18
ISSN: 2057-3170
World Affairs Online
In: Pacific affairs: an international review of Asia and the Pacific, Band 51, Heft 4, S. 649
ISSN: 1715-3379
In: Pacific affairs: an international review of Asia and the Pacific, Band 50, Heft 3, S. 497
ISSN: 1715-3379
In: Pacific affairs: an international review of Asia and the Pacific, Band 47, Heft 2, S. 238
ISSN: 1715-3379
In: Pacific affairs: an international review of Asia and the Pacific, Band 44, Heft 4, S. 651
ISSN: 1715-3379
In: State politics & policy quarterly: the official journal of the State Politics and Policy section of the American Political Science Association, Band 10, Heft 3, S. 227-247
ISSN: 1946-1607
AbstractIn this article, I examine whether a constituency's political brand—defined here as the reputation that white evangelicals and Catholics have for "pro-life" abortion policy—influences the public abortion position taken by members in six U.S. state Houses of Representatives. At issue is whether constituent political brand functions as a non-interest group influence on state legislators. A fitting of the brand literature to the state politics domain suggests that the effect of political brand might be dependent on constituent presence in a state House district—be it the relative size of the constituency or its organizational (church-based) cohesion. Results confirm the influence of constituent political brand and point to white evangelicals as having an influence on a member's abortion position based on the size and homogeneity of their constituency. Catholics possess brand influence as well, but theirs is powered by the church's organizational—parish—presence and cohesion in U.S. state House districts. These findings suggest that the two major "pro-life" constituencies in American politics are able to leverage brand in the political realm in ways that the literature has not previously considered.