Suchergebnisse

International monitoring of plebiscites, referenda and national elections has given a guarantee to the populations and the countries directly involved, and to the international community, that the people themselves have been able to exercise freely their right to self-determination through these processes. By focusing international attention on an internal electoral process, international monitoring may deter fraud by government, armed forces or electoral authorities. It shows international support for democracy and elections, as well as for human rights. While the international monitoring of elections does not guarantee that a dictatorship will evolve peacefully into a pluralist democracy, free and periodic elections are an essential prerequisite to the creation and maintenance of democracy, which is itself a prerequisite for the protection and promotion of human rights. The United Nations and other international organizations and groups are openly supporting the world's evolution towards democracy. This book will be of great use for those who are actively involved in international monitoring as well as for researchers in the field of democracy and human rights

Abstract The article offers a critique of recent efforts to read international relations theory – and its theorists – as especially positioned to offer a critique of international politics. It does so by engaging Daniel Levine's claim that international relations theory has a special vocation for critique which is unparalleled by other disciplines. By problematizing Levine's political, ethical and epistemological approach to sustainable critique, I argue that international relations theory has been particularly engaged with a politics of crisis that centers Western modes of subjectivity as the only frame of reference for thinking about politics and history. As a consequence, Western international relations theory has become both inadequate and dispensable for many critical theorists of international politics in much of the world, even when it comes to its most critical approaches. By way of conclusion, I offer an approach to critical international relations theory that starts from the politics of colonialism, instead of crisis.

The early twenty-first century has seen the beginning of a considerable shift in the global balance of power. Major international governance challenges can no longer be addressed without the ongoing co-operation of the large countries of the global South. Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, ASEAN states, and Mexico wield great influence in the macro-economic foundations upon which rest the global political economy and institutional architecture. It remains to be seen how the size of the emerging powers translates into the ability to shape the international system to their own will.

Since 2015 there has been a surge of international agendas to address a range of global challenges: climate change (Paris Agreement), sustainable development (Agenda 2030), disaster risk reduction (Sendai Framework) and sustainable urban transformation (New Urban Agenda). Health is relevant to all of these agendas. Policymakers must now translate these global agendas into national level policies to implement the agreed goals in a coherent manner. However, approaches to synergise health activities within and across these agendas are needed, in order to achieve better coherence and maximise national level implementation. This research evaluated the framing of human health within these agendas. A content analysis of the agendas was conducted. Findings indicate (i) the importance of increased awareness of health systems strengthening as a helpful framework to guide the integration of health issues across the agendas, (ii) only two health themes had synergies across the agendas, (iii) the lack of a governance mechanism to support the integration of these four agendas to enable national (and sub-national) governments to more feasibly implement their ambitions, and (iv) the vital component of health leadership. Finally, planetary health is a relevant and timely concept that can support the urgent shift to a healthy planet and people.

This is the first book that takes a theoretical approach to the effects of international immigration by considering the current economic topics confronted by more highly developed countries such as Japan. Developed here is the classic trade model by Heckscher-Ohlin-Samuelson, McDougall's basic model of the international movement factor, the urban-rural migration model by Harris-Todaro, and Copeland-Taylor's well-known model in the field of environmental economics by introducing new trends such as economic integration including free trade and factor mobility between countries at different stages of development. Coexistence of two types of immigrants - legal, skilled workers and illegal, unskilled workers - without any explicit signs of discrimination, transboundary pollution caused by neighboring lower-developed countries with poor pollution abatement technology, difficult international treatment of transboundary renewable resources, the rapid process of aging and population decrease, the higher unemployment rate of younger generations, and the serious gap between permanent and temporary employed workers-are also considered in this book as new and significant topics under the context of international immigration. Taking into account the special difficulties of those serious problems in Asia, each chapter illustrates Japanese and other Asian situations that encourage readers to understand the importance of optimal immigration policies. Also shown is the possibility that economic integration and liberalization of international immigration should bring about positive effects on the economic welfare of the developed host country including the aspects of natural environment, renewable transboundary resources, the rate of unemployment, and the wage gap between workers

This is the first book that takes a theoretical approach to the effects of international immigration by considering the current economic topics confronted by more highly developed countries such as Japan. Developed here is the classic trade model by Heckscher-Ohlin-Samuelson, McDougall's basic model of the international movement factor, the urban-rural migration model by Harris-Todaro, and Copeland-Taylor's well-known model in the field of environmental economics by introducing new trends such as economic integration including free trade and factor mobility between countries at different stages of development. Coexistence of two types of immigrants - legal, skilled workers and illegal, unskilled workers - without any explicit signs of discrimination, transboundary pollution caused by neighboring lower-developed countries with poor pollution abatement technology, difficult international treatment of transboundary renewable resources, the rapid process of aging and population decrease, the higher unemployment rate of younger generations, and the serious gap between permanent and temporary employed workers--are also considered in this book as new and significant topics under the context of international immigration. Taking into account the special difficulties of those serious problems in Asia, each chapter illustrates Japanese and other Asian situations that encourage readers to understand the importance of optimal immigration policies. Also shown is the possibility that economic integration and liberalization of international immigration should bring about positive effects on the economic welfare of the developed host country including the aspects of natural environment, renewable transboundary resources, the rate of unemployment, and the wage gap between workers.

This study explores the reconstruction of Iranian national identity during the Mohammad Reza Shah era (1953 to 1979). Drawing on materials collected from the memoirs and statements of the Shah and the key actors of the era and using Historical Sociology in International Relations as its theoretical backbone, it aims to unravel the constitutive role of the international on the formation of Iranian state nationalism. It argues that in order to understand the meaning attached to being Iranian, we should look into the specifics of international- domestic interaction, as Iranian national identity has been framed and re-framed by the Shah alongside the changing dynamics born out of specific interaction between the domestic and international dynamics. The Shah's interpretation of Iranian identity emerged and evolved at the intersection of his endeavours for gaining legitimacy against the legacy of Mosaddeq and his popular nationalism at the domestic level and for reclaiming the actorness of Iran during the Cold War at the international level. Playing inwards and outwards, the Shah sought to deconstruct the content of Iranian nationalism articulated by Mosaddeq and to give a new meaning to Iranian nationalism. Serving as the ideological glue of his state building, it was characterized by a strong belief in the rapid industrialization, emphasis on unity rather than diversity, uniqueness of Iranian identity vis-à-vis the East and the West, and presentation of the Shah as the real and moral representative of the Iranian people.

Can international judges be relied upon to resolve disputes impartially? If not, what are the sources of their biases? Answers to these questions are critically important for the functioning of an emerging international judiciary, yet we know remarkably little about international judicial behavior. An analysis of a new dataset of dissents in the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) yields a mixed set of answers. On the bright side, there is no evidence that judges systematically employ cultural or geopolitical biases in their rulings. There is some evidence that career insecurities make judges more likely to favor their national government when it is a party to a dispute. Most strongly, the evidence suggests that international judges are policy seekers. Judges vary in their inclination to defer to member states in the implementation of human rights. Moreover, judges from former socialist countries are more likely to find violations against their own government and against other former socialist governments, suggesting that they are motivated by rectifying a particular set of injustices. I conclude that the overall picture is mostly positive for the possibility of impartial review of government behavior by judges on an international court. Like judges on domestic review courts, ECtHR judges are politically motivated actors in the sense that they have policy preferences on how to best apply abstract human rights in concrete cases, not in the sense that they are using their judicial power to settle geopolitical scores.

The acceleration of globalization & international migration in recent years, & the potential impact on the course of human history, is accompanied by a surprising lacunae of exchanges among scholars working within the two fields. The few immigration scholars interested in understanding the effects of transnationalism a have called for a paradigm shift that recognizes the importance of globalization & a critical examination of traditional bipolar dichotomies utilizing a dialectical approach that entertains the possibility of contradictory processes occurring together. Analysis of the Guatemalan & Salvadoran migration to the US indicates how globalization stimulates international migration on one hand, & how migrants have shaped global processes on the other. The shaping of Central America by foreign countries throughout history is discussed in relation to resistance movements responding to oppression & exploitation throughout the region. The various scholarly debates on transnationalism & processes are examined in aspects of remittances, the creation & expansion of a supporting connected infrastructure, immigrant cross-border organizing, & immigrant related cross-border initiatives find non-immigrants. The author concludes that the relationship between globalization & international migration needs to be historically grounded to clarify the contest text of "transnational spaces", to question dichotomous & mutually exclusive categories, & to pay attention to the possibility of multiple, dialectical outcomes of international migration in relation to globalization. The attempt to understand the mutual impacts of globalization & international migration is a contestation of the notion of the hegemonic order to acknowledge that globalization is not neutral, but neither is it exclusively the domain of the powerful. References. J. Harwell

SummaryThe author explores the relationship between technological change and the lawmaking process in the reorganization of international space since the Second World War. He points out three types of technological inputs that have been significant in the process: exploitation of resources technologies, of communication and transport technologies, and of military technologies. Those technological inputs each have had a different impact on the creation of new norms in international law. The author examines particularly the first two types, the latter being more ambiguous in its effects. First, he stresses that exploitation of resources technologies tends to set new rules that reattribute international space previously considered as res communis or res nullius into the jurisdiction of states or within the scope of the common heritage of mankind. The sharing of the new resources therefore withholds spatialism. Communication and transport technologies, on the contrary, support freedom in international space and therefore prefer functionalism to spatialism. Confusion may occur when a technology is considered either as a means of communication or of the exploitation of resources, as is the case in the spectrum/orbit issue. The author examines the conflicting role of different technological inputs and their effects on the emerging regime which has reattributed international space within the scope of state jurisdiction or consolidated the international status of other space.

The US dollar is the world's indispensable currency, and it provides the United States enormous coercive powers against its adversaries. Over the last twenty years, Washington has increasingly relied on financial sanctions, but Bucking the Buck shows that the more the US wields the dollar as a foreign policy weapon, the more its adversaries move their economic activities into other currencies to avoid US coercion. The book shows that if the US wants to protect the dollar's status, its approach to sanctions needs to become more nuanced.