Suchergebnisse

This article discussed street art in Cairo after the Arab Spring ( العربي الربيع ). Revolution took place on Januari 25. 2011 when Egypt was led by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF). This paper was aimed at elaborating how street art in Cairo served as a means of political resistance employed to resist SCAF military government. This study employed a descriptive-qualitative method, Jenkins's (2009) participatory culture theory and Peteet's (1996) art as a means of political resistance. This study found out that, in general, street art or graffiti in Cairo during SCAF military government era emerged in the forms of stencil and mural works. In that era, street art served as a means of political resistance employed for various purposes such as criticizing the regime, telling stories of what was going on, depicting violence and murders committed by the security forces, commemorating martyrs of the revolution and telling stories of struggle, oppression and sexual harassment towards Egyptian women, Street art offered opportunities to the community to participate there so as to express their aspirations and make Cairo's streets and walls public space for 'a participatory culture'. Graffiti or street art found in Cairo served as a means of political resistance. Most of the murals on the walls depicted chaotic situations of that era, commemorated events and martyrs of the revolution, and commented on the social and political situations sharply.KEYWORDS: Street Art, Cairo, Arab Spring, Supreme Council of the Armed Forces

. This research confirms the role of context (both types) in clarifying rhetorical purposes. It indicates that the intentions may not be expressed, but may be implicit and expressed in an indirect way, thus needing mechanisms to reveal them, so the aim of this research is to invest the mechanism of context (both of them) in analyzing texts and interrogating their implications.
We have taken from some of Ibn Badis' political speeches opposing the idea of ​​integration models and samples for application, analysis and projection. The research concluded, after investing the context mechanism in reading Badisian political discourses, a new reading to clarify the true position of Ibn Badis, rejecting this colonial policy.

Mechanisms that are known to forge political agreement include interpersonal influence—the process by which people change their ideas according to others' attitudes—and selection—people's choice of their discussants according to their discussants' preferences. Using data obtained from a longitudinal survey, we test how these two processes contribute to changing vote choices or discussants around the 2014 European elections in Italy. Results partly confirm findings from the previous literature, showing influence and selection effects. Moreover, it is suggested that the family contributes crucially in stimulating strategies that result in political agreement. Propensities to maintain agreeable discussants over time and to change voting choice are boosted by exposure to family members.

The article is dedicated to the history of new typology of museum institutions – museums of political repression and totalitarianism history. Based on a great number of publications, the authors attempted to analyze not only the national museums of that type, but also the museum institutions in the former Soviet Union and Europe. Keywords: Gulag, Kolyma, communism musefication, political repression, totalitarian regimes ; Стаття присвячена історії формування нової типологічної групи музейних закладів – музеїв історії політичних репресій та тоталітаризму. Автори здійснили спробу проаналізувати не лише вітчизняні музеї зазначеного типу, а й музейні установи на теренах колишнього Радянського Союзу та Європи, спираючись на значну кількість публікацій. Ключові слова: Гулаг, Колима, музеєфікація комунізму, політичні репресії, тоталітарні режими

Mechanisms that are known to forge political agreement include interpersonal influence—the process by which people change their ideas according to others' attitudes—and selection—people's choice of their discussants according to their discussants' preferences. Using data obtained from a longitudinal survey, we test how these two processes contribute to changing vote choices or discussants around the 2014 European elections in Italy. Results partly confirm findings from the previous literature, showing influence and selection effects. Moreover, it is suggested that the family contributes crucially in stimulating strategies that result in political agreement. Propensities to maintain agreeable discussants over time and to change voting choice are boosted by exposure to family members.

The purpose of this paper is to describe, characterize and explain the election results of major political parties and voting behavior of Ukrainian national minority in Poland in the parliamentary elections to the lower chamber of polish parliament – Sejm. In the study were taken into consideration four elections – elections to the parliament in 2001, 2005, 2007 and 2011. Selected elections were taken into account due the temporal proximity to National Census in 2002 and 2011. The hypothesizes of the research is that Ukrainian national minority could have distinct voting behavior from their region of permanent living and voted obviously for more liberal, centrist or leftist parties rather than for far-right and right political parties.

En este artículo comento una comedia bastante desconocida del escritor liberal Pablo de Jérica y Corta. La comedia pertenece al género de teatro político que surgió con motivo de las disputas ideológicas entre liberales y absolutistas durante la Guerra de la Independencia española. También analizo la contrarréplica que realizaron los serviles a causa de la comedia de Jérica. ; In this article, I am commenting on a quite unknown political play by the liberal writer Pablo de Jérica y Corta. This kind of political theatre has its origin from the ideologi­cal controversies between liberals and absolutists during the Spanish Independence War. Furthermore, I am analizing as well the rejoinder made by absolutist because of the play.

Introduction --. - 1: Turkey: from militant secularism to grassroots Islam --. - 2: Uzbekistan: the complex hub of Central Asia --. - 3: Turkmenistan: molded by a megalomaniac despot --. - 4: Kazakhstan: rising oil state courted by big powers --. - 5: Kyrgyzstan: the Tulip Revolution, a false dawn --. - 6: Tajikistan: the rise and fall of political Islam --. - 7: Iran: the geopolitics of the Islamic Revolution --. - Summary and conclusions --. - Epilogue

The system of triad policy as separate institute of the political system which renders great influence on its stability and efficiency of functioning is examined ; Рассмотрена система трипартизма как отдельный институт политической системы, которая оказывает большое влияние на ее стабильность и эффективность функционирования ; Розглянуто систему трипартизму як окремий інститут політичної системи, якаспричиняє вагомий вплив на її стабільність та ефективність функціонування.

Review of: Political and Sartorial Styles: Britain and Its Colonies in the Long Nineteenth Century, Kevin A. Morrison (ed.) (2023)
Manchester: Manchester University Press, 274 pp.,
ISBN 978-1-52615-307-4, h/bk, $195.00
ISBN 978-1-52615-306-7, e-book, $135.00

Imagine a cold morning early in February. Slowly sipping coffee in an effort to awaken fully, you are reading through the Supreme Court advance sheets. You come across the following brief opinion: PER CURIAM. Fisher v. Rye Co., No. 81-1, and First Savings Bank v. Smith, No. 81-2. These petitions for certiorari have been consolidated for disposition in a single opin-ion. No. 81-1 challenges an Executive Order that, in an effort to combat gender-based discrimination, requires government contractors to adopt affirmative action programs. No argument is made that the Executive Order is authorized by statute. Concluding that the President's order could not be embraced by any inherent residuum of "emergency" presidential authority, cf. Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U. S. 579 (1952), the courts below held that the Executive Order was an impermissible assertion of legislative power. In No. 81-2, petitioner, a state-chartered institution, asserts the invalidity of a federal statute prohibiting discrimination on the basis of marital status in the issuance of mortgages and other loans. Relying upon our decision in Heart of Atlanta Motel, Inc. v. United States, 379 U. S. 241 (1964), and, more fundamentally, upon the principles set forth in M'Culloch v. Maryland, 17 U. S. (4 Wheat.) 316 (1819), the courts below sustained the statute as a rational exercise of the power to regulate interstate commerce. The petitions are granted, the judgments vacated, and the cases remanded with directions to dismiss the complaints for want of jurisdiction. We hold that these separation of powers and federalism claims present non-justiciable political questions. The central function of the courts established by Article III, and particularly of this Court, is to vindicate individual liberties. History teaches that these liberties are not adequately secured by our majoritarian political process. But these liberties are not sharply implicated by either federalism or separation of powers challenges, since it is conceded that some governmental unit could impose the challenged restriction. Essentially, therefore, the challenges in both cases are based on conflicting assertions of political power between governmental actors. The constitutional structure thus ordains that such claims be adjusted in the political process, which, we are satisfied, adequately protects both the interests of the States and of Congress. Moreover, history teaches that judicial intervention in these areas necessarily weakens this Court's ability to discharge its principal role of vindicating individual liberties. See generally, J. Choper, Judicial Review and the National Political Process (198o). M'Culloch v. Maryland, supra, and its progeny are no longer authoritative insofar as they assume the justiciability of federalism issues. Our prior cases dealing with presidential claims of constitutional authority are similarly disapproved to the extent that they depend on the justiciability of such claims. Of course, the courts remain free to adjudicate cases in which the sole issue is one of statutory construction: where the President's sole reliance is upon statutory authority or where the President is alleged to have acted in a manner prohibited by statute and he concedes that such a prohibition would be valid. By the time you had read this imaginary opinion, your need for coffee would, in all probability, have vanished. The opinion's startling and intriguing thesis is the core of Professor Choper's complex and fascinating, but ultimately frustrating, Judicial Review and the National Political Process.

AbstractMigration has become highly contentious. Turkey is no exception. Turkey faces even further challenges as the host to the world's largest refugee population, with Syrians as the majority. Fear about loss of control over borders, and its subsequent political, economic, social and cultural repercussions lies at the heart of migration debates. Parliamentary deliberations provide a public venue for airing these concerns. The paper focuses on Turkish Parliamentary deliberations on the Syrians to assess its issue salience. To do so, an extensive coding of the Parliamentary debates from 2015 to 2019 is conducted. The paper's rigorous analysis of the Turkish Parliamentary debates on the Syrians reveals multiple findings, uncovering a divide among the five political parties in the Parliament—the AKP, CHP, MHP, Iyi Party and the HDP emphasizing different dimensions. The paper captures the commonalities and differences among these political parties with a systematic empirical study of Turkish Parliamentary debates.

Even though economic globalization and foreign trade are major topics in the political discourse of most societies and negative attitudes toward international trade are prevalent, there is a lack of research investigating the ideological roots of protectionist preferences from a psychological perspective. In the present research, we examined the implications of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO) for trade attitudes. Using data from two nationally representative samples from the United States (Study 1) and Germany (Study 2), we found that RWA predicted protectionist attitudes above and beyond economic self-interest. Furthermore, we found that the relationship between RWA and opposition to international trade was moderated by political involvement. The association of SDO with protectionist attitudes was inconsistent across the two studies and was not moderated by political involvement. Taken together, these results emphasize the importance of basic ideological orientations and the psychological dispositions they reflect in explaining public attitudes toward international trade.

In the article, based on a wide range of documents, an attempt is made to analyze the interaction of the leaders of the Russian Muslim social movement on the main political issues of two key regions: the Volga-Ural and the Caucasus, at the beginning of the 20th century. We are talking about the cooperation of the leaders of the Muslim movement in considering the issues of the models of statehood and autonomy and land. The interaction of Muslims of the Volga-Ural region and the Caucasus in the framework of the activities of the Ittifak al-Muslimin party, the Muslim faction of the imperial State Duma of four convocations, during the revolutionary events of 1917 and the Civil War is considered.The source base of the study is bills, legislative sources, programs of parties and factions, clerical materials, verbatim records of meetings of the State Duma of all four convocations and Muslim congresses. Methodologically, the article is based on systematization, classification and analysis of these documents. To compare the facts and events related to the activities of the leaders of the Muslim movement of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the twentieth century and to determine their role in the history of interaction between the Muslims of the Volga-Ural region and the Caucasus, the comparative-historical method adopted in domestic science was applied. The conclusions are made that, firstly, the economic and intellectual elite of the Tatar and Azerbaijani peoples stood at the head of the social movement of Muslims of the Russian Empire. Secondly, the main issues facing the Muslim politicians of Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century were questions about the form of government and the autonomy of Muslims and land. Thirdly, the political cooperation between the leaders of the Muslims of the Volga-Ural region and the Caucasus at the beginning of the twentieth century led to the creation of the All-Russian Muslim party "Ittifak al-Muslimin", the Muslim faction of the State Duma, and the convocation of All-Russian Muslim congresses.

Islamism in Indonesia and Malaysia has undergone a fascinating transformation from social movement roots to mainstream politics. How did this take place, and to what ends? Drawing on social movement theories, this Element explains this transformation by focusing on key Islamic social movements in these two countries. It argues: first, that the popularity and appeal of Islamism in Indonesia and Malaysia cannot be understood without appreciating how these social movements have enabled and facilitated mobilization; and second, that it is precisely these roots in civil societal mobilization that account for the enduring influence of Islamist politics evident in how Islamic social movements have shaped and transformed the political landscape. These arguments will be developed by unpacking how Islamist ideas took root in social movement settings, the kinds of institutional and organizational structures through which these ideas were advanced, and the changing political landscape that facilitated these processes.