Suchergebnisse

The 36th World Congress of the International Institute of Sociology (IIS) was a true milestone in the history of IIS, for it heralded many firsts: the first World Congress to be held on the Asian Continent, the first to be held in China, and the largest attendance by far of any of the organization's World Congresses. This book is a compendium of 18 papers presented by plenary speakers from 10 different nations. It addresses sweeping issues related to the age of globalization and social change, including cultural diversities, migration and equality, social transformation, and national identity. Notable is an extraordinary diversity of viewpoints, approaches and opinions. Social Change in the Age of Globalization should be especially useful for those interested in learning more about social change in the context of globalization, especially in nations whose sociological communities are emerging, such as China and many other Asian nations

This article explores conceptions of fascism as an international phenomenon as understood by three political parties of the 1930s: Quisling's Norwegian Nasjonal Samling (NS), Lindholm's Swedish Nationalsocialistiska Arbetarepartiet (NSAP) and Mussert's Dutch Nationaal-Socialistische Beweging (NSB). In order to highlight fascist movements' contributions to fascist internationalism, the article deploys both a comparative and transnational framework, showing up the national differences in their conceptions of international fascism, regional connections and influences, changes over time and the contingencies of transnational contact that affected the practical establishment of international relationships. It is shown that there was an impetus for international cooperation between fascist movements outside of the orbit of fascist regimes, typically sustained by regional affinities as existed among Northern countries and the Low Countries. While often framed by ambitious rhetoric, ultimately the three parties continued to focus on their own national projects rather than deepen international collaboration. Lastly the movements' different myths of international fascism are compared, constructed for propagandistic ends, all of which broadly fit within the mould of a new European or even global era which saw the rise of fascism and the (hoped for) victory over ideological enemies such as communism and liberalism.

Conference given in may 2012 at the university of Alberta (Canada) Media in minority contexts ; Never before has "cultural diversity" been such popular topic, not just among international institutions, but also in the field of cultural industries or for the defenders of world cultures. According to Armand Mattelart, who analysed the genesis of "Cultural diversity", it has become a real hotchpotch with, as time goes by, a loss of its meaning and heuristic scope, thus making it difficult to understand the main issues at stake when dealing with the relationships between cultural matters, public policies and economy. [Mattelart, 2005] "Cultural diversity" includes "language diversity" which is similarly subjected to contradictory and paradoxical discourses. Indeed, as linguistic minorities and researchers already know, the variety of the languages spoken in the world is declining [Crystal, 2000; Hagège, 2000; Moseley, 2010]. The hegemony of two or three international languages (above all the Anglo-Saxon/varieties of English) leading to a language market [Calvet, 2002]; the globalization of media and cultural industries; economic exchanges; and, population flows due to mass tourism and migrations, are some of the majors factors that contribute to marginalizing linguistic idiosyncrasies. These main trends keep on developing and therefore threaten language diversity, all the more so when minority languages are only spoken within the scope of the private sphere and kept away from media, education, justice and administration. At the dawn of the XXI° century, the awareness that language diversity is a precious heritage is grudgingly be faced by many State authorities throughout the world in planning linguistic policies for minorities. Even though many countries signed the international conventions promoted by the ILO (International Labour organization), UNESCO or the European Union, and sometimes supported these decisions through constitutional changes, concrete measures to promote and foster minority languages usually go ...

Conference given in may 2012 at the university of Alberta (Canada) Media in minority contexts ; Never before has "cultural diversity" been such popular topic, not just among international institutions, but also in the field of cultural industries or for the defenders of world cultures. According to Armand Mattelart, who analysed the genesis of "Cultural diversity", it has become a real hotchpotch with, as time goes by, a loss of its meaning and heuristic scope, thus making it difficult to understand the main issues at stake when dealing with the relationships between cultural matters, public policies and economy. [Mattelart, 2005] "Cultural diversity" includes "language diversity" which is similarly subjected to contradictory and paradoxical discourses. Indeed, as linguistic minorities and researchers already know, the variety of the languages spoken in the world is declining [Crystal, 2000; Hagège, 2000; Moseley, 2010]. The hegemony of two or three international languages (above all the Anglo-Saxon/varieties of English) leading to a language market [Calvet, 2002]; the globalization of media and cultural industries; economic exchanges; and, population flows due to mass tourism and migrations, are some of the majors factors that contribute to marginalizing linguistic idiosyncrasies. These main trends keep on developing and therefore threaten language diversity, all the more so when minority languages are only spoken within the scope of the private sphere and kept away from media, education, justice and administration. At the dawn of the XXI° century, the awareness that language diversity is a precious heritage is grudgingly be faced by many State authorities throughout the world in planning linguistic policies for minorities. Even though many countries signed the international conventions promoted by the ILO (International Labour organization), UNESCO or the European Union, and sometimes supported these decisions through constitutional changes, concrete measures to promote and foster minority languages usually go ...

The transnational communities, or in other terms, the migrant communities whowent to the US and the UK, or to any other European states had strong belief intheir religion in which they might not be contaminated by the secular ideology inthe Western countries. In this respect, the phenomenology of religion in internationalrelations is a relatively new and surprising. Accordingly, this paper aims atinvestigating the implications of the emergence of trans-national religious groupsfor international relations. The paper will argue that the rise of trans-nationalreligious groups has produced a profound impact on international relations. Thefactors that influenced this transformation in international relations is the contemporaryprocesses of globalization which scholars argue, are pivotal to bringingreligion to the centre stage of international relations. In order to deepen theunderstanding of this process, two case scenarios will be analyzed, namely, theSikh Diasporas and the imagined Islamic community, the umma. In this paper, ithas been argued that the rise of trans-national religious actors may affect statesovereignty in one way or another. Under secular ideology, the role of religion ismarginalized from the public sphere, in particular, the domain of politics and religion is being obviously separated. This separation, according to both groups,is problematic. It is therefore, the emergence of Islamic and Sikh communities isconsidered by some liberal democratic countries like India as a peril to its statesovereignty. In Islamic doctrines, the Muslims hold a principle in din wa dawla,the unity of state and religion, while in Sikhism, the Sikhs have to trust miri andpiri, the unification of religious and political institution.Masyarakat transnasional atau dalam terma lain disebut juga sebagai masyarakatmigran yang menetap di Amerika dan Inggris, atau ke negara-negara Eropalainnya memiliki keyakinan yang kuat terhadap agama mereka dan tidakterkontaminasi oleh ideologi sekuler Barat. Pada konteks ini, fenomenologi ...

When citizens elect leaders whose policies conflict with standing international agreements, which claim deserves more respect, the treaty or the will of the majority? International law and democratic theory both point to constitutionalism as a way to address this dilemma. An examination of the effects of the elections of John F. Kennedy in 1961 and Willy Brandt in 1969 on U.S.-F.R.G. alliance commitments shows that the dilemma is not resolvable in principle, but that constitutional democracies adopt a variety of practices including consultation, public diplomacy, and commitment reinterpretation to make the tension between the two principles manageable.

This article presents and discusses a number of empirical findings from quantitative research on the cause of war. To understand war, in particular, requires an understanding of inter national conflict in general. Hence, the article first examines the theoretical contribution of quantitative research to the conceptualization of international conflict. It is argued that research on international conflict should try to reconcile two seemingly opposite approaches, the event interaction approach and the war approach. Furthermore, the various research findings are briefly summarized within a broad conceptual framework, and the variety of research efforts are critically evaluated.

1. Introduction -- 2. The state as the basis of legal validity -- 3. The practical failings of state-centric accountability regimes -- 4. The theoretical scope for direct non-state actor regulation -- 5. Abandoning the state : towards an alternative theoretical framing -- 6. Conclusion.