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Christian organizations in the United States take positions in favor of or against progressive efforts to address poverty primarily based on theological considerations. In order to support governmental programs and regulations such as welfare, comprehensive health care and higher minimum wages, they must believe that structural changes, rather than an increase in religious faith, will likely solve intergenerational poverty. However, religious organizations effectively lobby in favor of such efforts primarily in their capacity as providers of charity and health care services to the poor. Because opinion within most denominations on poverty is divided, there are competing theological interpretations which weaken the standing of denominational leaderships and lobbyists to speak for their traditions when they use religious rhetoric. Some conservative evangelical organizations have slowly come to accept governmental programs because of the long-term interests of their charitable agencies. I argue that the Catholic Church lobbies more effectively than mainline Protestant denominations in favor of governmental programs because of its larger charitable agencies. This is despite the fact that the Catholic Bishops occasionally oppose governmental programs, such as Democratic comprehensive health care reform proposals, because of the possibility that they may fund abortions. Though opposition to abortion is a theological priority for the Catholic Church, the bishops remain close to the Democrats on economic issues despite increasing political polarization. I argue that minimum wage policy has provided an opportunity for Catholic, mainline Protestant, black Protestant and progressive evangelical congregations to come together on a relatively simple and popular policy issue where change can and must occur at the local and state level. My primary methods are examinations of media accounts and congressional committee hearing transcripts.

Este artículo propone objetivar el paradigma de la teología de la liberación (TL), como fenómeno sociopolítico contemporáneo característico de la relación entre la religión (en ese caso el cristianismo) y la política, en América latina. Aquí, el planteamiento central consiste en sostener que la TL constituyó un sistema propio, el cual tiene aún hoy presencia e impacto social. Ese sistema debe ser entendido en la singularidad de sus lógicas sociales e ideológicas. Su análisis no puede ser reducido a intereses teóricos y modelos externos, ni someterse a los propios mitos de los actores. En primer lugar, se define la pertinencia de la aplicación de la noción de paradigma a la teología de la liberación y se reconstruye su genealogía dentro del catolicismo contemporáneo, así como el contexto social, político e ideológico del cual surgió. En segundo lugar, se delimita el modelo paradigmático de la TL, diferenciado de su genealogía y de su entorno, para identificar sus evoluciones sucesivas y diversas expresiones hasta la actualidad. ; This article proposes to objectify the liberation theology (LT) paradigm, as a contemporary social-political phenomenon of the relationship between religion (in this case, Christianity) and politics in Latin America. The core statement alleges that LT built its own system, which has still presence and social impact. Such system is to be understood in the singularity of its social and ideological logics. The analysis of it cannot be reduced to theoretical interests and external models without submitting to the actors' own myths. First, the relevance of applying the paradigm notion to the liberation theology is defined and its genealogy is rebuilt within the contemporary Catholicism, as well as the social, political, and ideological context from which it arose. Then, the LT paradigmatic model is determined, differentiated from its genealogy and environment, in order to identify its successive evolutions and various expressions up to the present. ; Este artigo propõe objetivar o paradigma da teologia da liberação (TL), como fenómeno sociopolítico contemporâneo característico da relação entre a religião (nesse caso o cristianismo) e a política, na América Latina. Aqui, o postulado consiste em sustentar que a TL constituiu um sistema próprio, o qual tem ainda hoje presença e impacto social. Esse sistema deve ser entendido na singularidade de suas lógicas sociais e ideológicas. A sua análise não pode ser reduzida a interesses teóricas e modelos externos, nem a submeter-se aos próprios mitos dos atores. Em primeiro lugar, define-se pertinência da aplicação da noção de paradigma à teologia da liberação e se reconstrói sua genealogia dentro do catolicismo contemporâneo, assim como o contexto social, político e ideológico do qual surgiu. Em segundo lugar, se delimita o modelo paradigmático da TL, diferenciado de sua genealogia e de seu entorno, para identificar suas evoluções sucessivas e diversas expressões até a atualidade.

Religion as culture -- Religion as foundation of a new identity -- Religion as legitimation of rule and violence -- Religion as relativization and critique of worldly power -- Religion as representation of weakness -- Religion as inspiration in a plural society -- Religion as acknowledgment of the other.

The noise is deafening, the scurry confusing. The ''public square,'' far from being ''naked,'' is teeming with activity, much of it explicitly Christian. Christian groups in America today can no longer be accused of ignoring public life and spurning politics. The problem is no longer neglect, as it once might have been, but disagreement, dissension, and bewilderment. A growing number of Christians in America now believe that their faith must shape public life. But many are not sure how. The cacophony of voices complicates the problem. Sincere Christians, claiming the Bible for infallible support, often come down on opposite sides of such contemporary issues as abortion, creationism in the classroom, prayer in public schools, and Latin American politics. Moreover, their theoretical views of the relationship between Christianity and public life often differ sharply from each other. While Christian activists debate each other, def end their own positions, and recruit new members to their organizations, many faithful members of local churches stand on the sidewalks of the public square, listen to the debate, and wonder whom they can trust and what they should believe. The proper relationship between religion and public life has become enormously complex in modern American society.

Christian realism after September 11 (not included) / Ernest Lefever -- Christianity and power politics : themes and issues / Eric Patterson -- Reinhold Niebuhr, Christian realism and just war theory a critique / Keith Pavlischek -- The relevance of Christian realism to the 21st century / Alberto R. Coll -- War within reason : a Christian realist approach to the ethics of war / Charles A. Jones -- Christian realism and the international economy / John Lunn -- Reinhold Niebuhr's Christian realism and the Bush doctrine / Mark Amstutz -- Christian American political realism / Peter Augustine Lawler -- International institutions and the problem of judgment / Daniel Edward Young -- Christian realism and utopian multilateralism / Eric Patterson

Cover -- Contents -- Series Editors' Preface -- Foreword by Rowan Williams -- theatre & -- christianity -- Theatre & -- Christianity & -- Women -- Amateur Performance in Faith Contexts -- Theatre & -- Christianity & -- Offence -- Endnotes -- Further reading -- Index -- acknowledgements.

Preliminary Material /William Reynolds and Julie A. Webber -- The Age of Ressentiment /William Reynolds and Julie A. Webber -- Christocrats and the Civic Gospel /William Reynolds and Julie A. Webber -- The Secular Strategies of the Christian Right /William Reynolds and Julie A. Webber -- Humanism and the American Political Imaginary /William Reynolds and Julie A. Webber -- The Land of a Thousand Churches /William Reynolds and Julie A. Webber -- The Stories We Tell Ourselves /William Reynolds and Julie A. Webber -- Notes /William Reynolds and Julie A. Webber -- Bibliography /William Reynolds and Julie A. Webber.