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Funding: This study is part of the ERICA project funded by the European Union's Rights, Equality and Citizenship Programme (2014–2020). GA 856760. ; The responsiveness of professionals working with children and families is of key importance for child maltreatment early identification. However, this might be undermined when multifaceted circumstances, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, reduce interdisciplinary educational activities. Thanks to technological developments, digital platforms seem promising in dealing with 30 new challenges for professionals' trainings. We examined a digital approach to child maltreatment training through the ERICA project experience (Stopping Child Maltreatment through Pan-European Multiprofessional Training Programme). ERICA has been piloted during the pandemic in seven European centers involving interconnected sectors of professionals working with children and families. The training consisted of interactive modules embedded in a digital learning frame-work. Different aspects (i.e., technology, interaction, and organization) were evaluated and trainers' feedback on digital features was sought. Technical issues were the main barrier. However, these did not significantly disrupt the training. The trainers perceived reduced interaction between participants although distinct factors were uncovered as potential favorable mediators. Based on participants' subjective experiences and perspectives, digital learning frameworks for professionals working with children and families, like the ERICA model nested in its indispensable adaptation to an e-learning mode, can represent a novel interactive approach to empower trainers and trainees to tackle child maltreatment during critical times like a pandemic and as an alternative to more traditional learning frameworks. ; Publisher PDF ; Peer reviewed

Proposing an alternative to the American model, intergovernmental reform initiatives in Europe have developed and promote a comprehensive European model of skill formation. What ideals, standards, and governance are proposed in this new pan-European model? This model responds to heightened global competition among "knowledge societies" as it challenges national systems to improve. The authors thus compare this emergent European model with the historically influential models of Germany, France, Great Britain, and the United States. To what extent does the European model resemble these traditionally influential national models? The authors report findings of a theory-guided content analysis of official European policy documents in higher education and vocational training from 1998 to 2010. They find that while the European model is a bricolage that integrates diverse characteristics of influential models, the ambitious goals and standards codified in the twin Bologna and Copenhagen processes in higher education and vocational training offer a new model to compete internationally. Dozens of countries now seek to implement these principles. This comparative analysis finds different visions for the future of skill formation on both sides of the Atlantic.

The most important task of the modern agrarian policy for the development of the meat products sub-complex is to maintain and increase the level of meat production, stimulate the expansion of its range and degree of processing, as well as to improve the quality. The country's transition to market relations necessitates further improvement of the economic mechanism of management in the meat products sub-complex, their reorientation to stimulate the production of competitive products, considering consumer demand. The article aims to reveal modern approaches to guaranteeing the quality and safety of livestock products in the EU and substantiate the possibilities of their application in Ukraine. This work reveals modern approaches to guarantee the quality and safety of animal products in the EU and justify their possible use in Ukraine. The key elements of the new food safety concept in the EU, rooted in the early 2000s are discovered. The specific legislation governing food safeties in the EU is shoved up. The features of the system of quality certification and livestock products produced with food are discovered. Directions for the formation of an effective system for ensuring the quality and safety of organic livestock products are proposed. The experience of product quality management in the meat sub-complex of the EU countries is revealed. The trends of the European system of compulsory labelling of animal welfare in the manufacture of certain types of livestock production and distribution systems of the voluntary certification program for the protection of animals are revealed. The problems in quality due to the intensification of livestock are noted. The trends and modern approaches to improving knowledge about the impact of a number of substances and ingredients contained in animal products, on human health are analysed

Proposing an alternative to the American model, intergovernmental reform initiatives in Europe have developed and promote a comprehensive European model of skill formation. What ideals, standards, and governance are proposed in this new pan-European model? This model responds to heightened global competition among "knowledge societies" as it challenges national systems to improve. The authors thus compare this emergent European model with the historically influential models of Germany, France, Great Britain, and the United States. To what extent does the European model resemble these traditionally influential national models? The authors report findings of a theory-guided content analysis of official European policy documents in higher education and vocational training from 1998 to 2010. They find that while the European model is a bricolage that integrates diverse characteristics of influential models, the ambitious goals and standards codified in the twin Bologna and Copenhagen processes in higher education and vocational training offer a new model to compete internationally. Dozens of countries now seek to implement these principles. This comparative analysis finds different visions for the future of skill formation on both sides of the Atlantic.

The article discusses the concepts of "youth policy" and "state youth policy", analyzes the main models of youth policy produced by world practice, namely: conservative (state support is given only to those who are in the most difficult financial situation, while the state tightly controls spending of funds and defining its recipients), model of social partnership (based on the principle of recognition of the special role of the state and clear regulation by law of measures to support young people actions and youth organizations), sociostate (the state assumes most functions and covers the regulation of all young people as a whole, but almost does not take into account the interests of civil society and business in the field of youth policy), communitarian (paternalistic state youth policy, characteristic of authoritarian politics regime, the state is fully responsible for regulating youth work). In addition, European models of such policy, which are distinguished depending on the regime of youth policy implementation (universalist, protectionist, community-based model and centralized), are considered. The first is based on the principles of youth autonomy and independence, as well as the active cooperation of civil society with the state in the implementation of youth policy. The second is characterized by a strong social orientation and is aimed at helping young people. The community-based model envisages minimal government involvement and broad powers for civil society. The last one is characterized by the fact that the leading role in the realization of youth rights belongs not to the state, but to the family and the church. It is established that the social partnership or universalist model, formed by the Scandinavian countries, is optimal for construction in Ukraine. In this model, the widest possible use of youth potential for the development of society and the state is possible. ; В статті розглянуто поняття «молодіжна політика» та «державна молодіжна політика», проаналізовано основні моделі молодіжної політики, вироблені світовою практикою, а саме: консервативна (державна підтримка надається лише тим особам, що знаходяться в найбільш складній матеріальній ситуації, при цьому держава жорстко контролює витрачання виділених коштів та сама визначає її адресатів), модель соціального партнерства (в її основі лежить принцип визнання особливої ролі держави та чіткої регламентації законом заходів підтримки молодих людей і молодіжних організацій), соціально-державна (держава бере на себе більшість функцій та охоплює регулюванням всю молодь в цілому, проте майже не враховує інтереси громадянського суспільства та бізнесу у сфері молодіжної політики), комунітарна (патерналістська державна молодіжна політика, характерна для авторитарного політичного режиму, держава повністю бере на себе функції з регулювання роботи з молоддю).Крім того розглянуто європейські моделі такої політики, виділені в залежності від режиму впровадження молодіжної політики (універсалістська, протекціоністська, модель на базі громад та централізована). В основі першої лежать принципи самостійності та незалежності молоді, а також активної співпраці громадянського суспільства з державою в реалізації молодіжної політики. Друга характеризується вираженою соціальною спрямованістю та націлена на допомогу молоді. Модель на базі громад передбачає мінімальну участь держави та широкі повноваження для громадянського суспільства. Для останньої характерно те, що провідна роль в реалізації прав молоді належить не державі, а сім'ї та церкві.Встановлено, що оптимальною для побудови в Україні є сформована скандинавськими країнами модель соціального партнерства або універсалістська, за якої суб'єктами молодіжної політики є не лише інститути держави, а й громадянського суспільства. За такої моделі можливе найбільш широке використання потенціалу молоді для розвитку суспільства і держави.

The article discusses the concepts of "youth policy" and "state youth policy", analyzes the main models of youth policy produced by world practice, namely: conservative (state support is given only to those who are in the most difficult financial situation, while the state tightly controls spending of funds and defining its recipients), model of social partnership (based on the principle of recognition of the special role of the state and clear regulation by law of measures to support young people actions and youth organizations), sociostate (the state assumes most functions and covers the regulation of all young people as a whole, but almost does not take into account the interests of civil society and business in the field of youth policy), communitarian (paternalistic state youth policy, characteristic of authoritarian politics regime, the state is fully responsible for regulating youth work). In addition, European models of such policy, which are distinguished depending on the regime of youth policy implementation (universalist, protectionist, community-based model and centralized), are considered. The first is based on the principles of youth autonomy and independence, as well as the active cooperation of civil society with the state in the implementation of youth policy. The second is characterized by a strong social orientation and is aimed at helping young people. The community-based model envisages minimal government involvement and broad powers for civil society. The last one is characterized by the fact that the leading role in the realization of youth rights belongs not to the state, but to the family and the church. It is established that the social partnership or universalist model, formed by the Scandinavian countries, is optimal for construction in Ukraine. In this model, the widest possible use of youth potential for the development of society and the state is possible. ; В статті розглянуто поняття «молодіжна політика» та «державна молодіжна політика», проаналізовано основні моделі молодіжної політики, вироблені світовою практикою, а саме: консервативна (державна підтримка надається лише тим особам, що знаходяться в найбільш складній матеріальній ситуації, при цьому держава жорстко контролює витрачання виділених коштів та сама визначає її адресатів), модель соціального партнерства (в її основі лежить принцип визнання особливої ролі держави та чіткої регламентації законом заходів підтримки молодих людей і молодіжних організацій), соціально-державна (держава бере на себе більшість функцій та охоплює регулюванням всю молодь в цілому, проте майже не враховує інтереси громадянського суспільства та бізнесу у сфері молодіжної політики), комунітарна (патерналістська державна молодіжна політика, характерна для авторитарного політичного режиму, держава повністю бере на себе функції з регулювання роботи з молоддю).Крім того розглянуто європейські моделі такої політики, виділені в залежності від режиму впровадження молодіжної політики (універсалістська, протекціоністська, модель на базі громад та централізована). В основі першої лежать принципи самостійності та незалежності молоді, а також активної співпраці громадянського суспільства з державою в реалізації молодіжної політики. Друга характеризується вираженою соціальною спрямованістю та націлена на допомогу молоді. Модель на базі громад передбачає мінімальну участь держави та широкі повноваження для громадянського суспільства. Для останньої характерно те, що провідна роль в реалізації прав молоді належить не державі, а сім'ї та церкві.Встановлено, що оптимальною для побудови в Україні є сформована скандинавськими країнами модель соціального партнерства або універсалістська, за якої суб'єктами молодіжної політики є не лише інститути держави, а й громадянського суспільства. За такої моделі можливе найбільш широке використання потенціалу молоді для розвитку суспільства і держави.

The article analyzes the structure of two regional organizations in South America and one in Central America trying to determine whether there are similarities in their organization and forms of cooperation between member states with the model applied in the case of the European Union. Based on the comparative analysis of the three cases the author draws wider implications of the increased influence of the European Union in Latin America for the attractiveness of its economic model. ; Cilj rada je da analizira strukturu i način delovanja dve regionalne organizacije u Južnoj Americi i jedne u Centralnoj Americi kao i da utvrdi da li postoje sličnosti u njihovoj organizaciji i načinu saradnje između država članica sa modelom koji je primenjen u slučaju Evropske unije. Na osnovu uporedne analize tri slučaja autor izvlači šire implikacije o povećanom uticaju EU u Latinskoj Americi usled privlačnosti njenog ekonomskog modela.

The acclaimed labor lawyer and prizewinning author Thomas Geoghegan asks: where are we better off—America or Europe? In an idiosyncratic, entertaining travelogue that plays on public policy, Geoghegan asks what our lives would be like if we lived them as Europeans. Sneaking out of his workaholic American life, he takes five trips where he tries to understand so-called European socialism firsthand. Though he first tries France (which has become a rhetorical stand-in for the continent as a whole in many Americans' minds), he eventually ventures into Germany to see what some call the "boring" Europe. There he finds the true "other"—an economic model with more bottom-up worker control than that of any other country in the world—and argues that, while we have to take Germany's problems seriously, we also have to look seriously at how much it has achieved. Social democracy may let us live nicer lives; it also may be the only way to be globally competitive. This wry, timely book helps us understand why the European model, contrary to popular neoliberal wisdom, may thrive well into the twenty-first century without compromising its citizens' ease of living—and be the best example for the United States to follow. Germany is more generous than the U.S.: The average number of paid vacation days in the U.S. is 13, versus Germany's 35 New mothers in the U.S. get three months of unpaid job-protected leave and only if they work for a company of 50 or more employees, while Germany mandates four months' paid leave and will pay parents 67% of their salary to stay home for up to 14 months to care for a newborn. U.S. life expectancy is 50th in the world, compared to Germany's 32nd