Suchergebnisse

Bassam Tibi: cultural modernity for religious reform and Euro-Islam -- Tariq Ramadan: from adaptive to transformative reform and European Islam -- Tareq Oubrou: geotheology and the minoriticization of Islam -- Abdennour Bidar: self Islam, islamic existentialism and overcoming religion -- European Islamic thought and the formation of perpetual modernity paradigm -- Ontological revolution and epistemological shift in European Islamic thought -- Conceptualizing the idea of European Tslam: Taha Abderrahmane's trusteeship critique for overcoming classical dichotomous thought -- Consolidating the idea of European Islam through perpetual modernity paradigm -- European islam as a Rawlsian reasonable comprehensive doctrine -- Conclusion: from European Islam to Arab Islam

About 5% of the EU's inhabitants identify themselves as Muslims. Thus, there is an increasing presence of Muslims and Islam in European society, and this has caused an increase in their presence in politics. Muslims living in Europe have entered the political arena in different ways, both with Islamic parties and as candidates for the main parties. An analysis of the evolution of Muslim political participation in Europe shows that Islamic parties have largely failed, while politicians with Muslim backgrounds who join parties with no Islamic identity have obtained good results. This means that Muslims with a strong religious identity are still seen as a world apart in Europe, while Muslims who either have a secular identity or who live their faith as a personal belief are considered to be ordinary citizens who people vote for based on their inner qualities, regardless of their religion.

Defining Concepts, Demolishing Myths -- Islam's Multiple Voices -- Self-Proclaimed Islamic States -- Between Ideology and Pragmatism -- Muslim Democracies -- Islamist National Resistance -- Violent Transnationalism -- The Many Faces of Political Islam,

A review essay on books by (1) M. J. Akbar, The Shade of Swords. Jihad and the Conflict between Islam & Christianity (London: Routledge, 2002); (2) Larry Diamond, Marc F. Plattner, & Daniel Brumberg (Eds), Democracy in the Middle East (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins U Press, 2003); & (3) Jennifer Noyon, Islam, Politics and Pluralism. Theory and Practice in Turkey, Jordan, Tunisia and Algeria (London: Royal Instit International Affairs, 2003).

Assuming a central place in Muslim life, the Qur'an speaks of one community of the faith, the umma. This unity of the faithful is recognised as the default aspiration of the believer, and in the modern era, intellectuals and political leaders have often vied both to define, and to lead it. Based on case studies of actors such as Saudi Arabia, Iran, and ISIS, James Piscatori and Amin Saikal consider how some appeals to pan-Islam prove useful, yet other attempts at cross-border institutionalisation including the Sunni Caliphate or the modern Shi'i-inspired Islamic Revolution, founder on political self-interest and sectarian affiliations. Accompanied by a range of scriptural references to examine different interpretations of the umma, Piscatori and Saikal explore why, despite it meaning such widely different things, and its failure to be realised as a concrete project, neither the umma's popular symbolic appeal nor its influence on a politics of identity has diminished.

Examines the origins, tactics, and objectives of resurgent Muslim political movements; 8 articles. Topics include: ideological origins of Islamic revivalism; Islam in Egypt, Sudan, and Iran; US-Muslim relations; and future directions.

Islamic revivalism and its diversity of expression in Libya, Egypt, Iran, and Lebanon.

Since the Taliban seized Kabul in 1996, the public has grappled with the relationship between Islamic education and radical Islam. Media reports tend to paint madrasas --religious schools dedicated to Islamic learning -- as medieval institutions opposed to all that is Western and as breeding grounds for terrorists. Others have claimed that without reforms, Islam and the West are doomed to a clash of civilizations. Robert Hefner and Muhammad Qasim Zaman bring together eleven internationally renowned scholars to examine the varieties of modern Muslim education and their implications for national and global politics. The contributors provide new insights into Muslim culture and politics in countries as different as Morocco, Egypt, Pakistan, India, Indonesia, Iran, and Saudi Arabia. They demonstrate that Islamic education is neither timelessly traditional nor medieval, but rather complex, evolving, and diverse in its institutions and practices. They reveal that a struggle for hearts and minds in Muslim lands started long before the Western media discovered madrasas, and that Islamic schools remain on its front line. Schooling Islam is the most comprehensive work available in any language on madrasas and Islamic education

" 'Ideologies need enemies to thrive, religion does not';. Using the Sahel as a source of five comparative case studies, this volume aims to engage in the painstaking task of disentangling Islam from the political ideologies that have issued from its theologies to fight for governmental power and the transformation of society. While these ideologies tap into sources of religious legitimacy, the author shows that they are fundamentally secular or temporal enterprises, defined by confrontation with other political ideologies--both progressive and liberal--within the arena of nation states. Their objectives are the same as these other ideologies, i.e., to harness political power for changing national societies, and they resort to various methods of persuasion, until they break down into violence.The two driving questions of the book are, whence come these ideologies, and why do they--sometimes--result in violence? Ideologies of Salafi radicalism are at work in the five countries of the Sahel region, Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, (Northern) Nigeria and Senegal, but violence has broken out only in Mali and Northern Nigeria. Using a theoretical framework of ideological development and methods of historical analysis, Idrissa traces the emergence of Salafi radicalism in each of these countries as a spark ignited by the shock between concurrent processes of Islamization and colonization in the 1940s. However, while the spark eventually ignited a blaze in Mali and Nigeria, it has only led to milder political heat in Niger and Senegal and has had no burning effect at all in Burkina Faso. By meticulously examining the development of Salafi radicalism ideologies over time in connection with developments in national politics in each of the countries, Idrissa arrives at compelling conclusions about these divergent outcomes. Given the many similarities between the countries studied, these divergences show, in particular, that history, the behaviour of state leaders and national sociologies matter--against assumptions of 'natural'; contradictions between religion (Islam) and secularism or democracy. This volume offers a new perspective in discussions on ideology, which remains--as is shown here--the independent variable of many key contemporary political processes, either hidden in plain sight or disguised in a religious garb. "--Provided by publisher.