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The article contributes to a better understanding of 'Traditional Islam' (TI), a state-led project in Azerbaijan to establish an alternative narrative promoting a specific local understanding of Islam that builds on its non-political, non-sectarian and national features to prevent 'non-traditional' religious variants from gaining popular traction. The phenomenon has not appeared in a vacuum. First, its features and functions stem from Soviet-era anti-religious and nationalities policies. Second, many aspects of TI resemble counter-radicalisation initiatives worldwide. Finally, while introduced as a means of blocking radicalisation in order to protect Azerbaijan's national identity as a secular state, Traditional Islam in fact works to extend state control over the religious domain and thus to prevent the development of any religiously grounded dissent against the authoritarian regime.

Muslims in China: incompatibility between Islam and the Chinese order -- Ahung and Literatus: a Muslim elite in Confucian China -- Muslim minorities under non-Islamic rule -- Ethnicity, religion, nationality, and social conflict: the case of Chinese Muslims -- Myth as memory: Muslims in China between myth and history -- Established Islam and marginal Islam: from eclecticism to syncretism -- Islamization and sinicization in Chinese Islam -- Naqshbandiyya and factionalism in Chinese Islam -- Is there Shi'a in Chinese Islam? -- Translation as exegesis: the opening S¿±ra of the Qur'#n in Chinese -- Muslim rebellions in Muslim China: a part of, or a counterpart to, the Chinese revolution -- The Islamic republics in central Asia and the Middle East -- The cross battles the crescent: a century of missionary work among Chinese Muslims (1850-1950) -- The Muslim minority in the people's republic of China -- A new wave of Muslim revivalism in China -- Al-sin -- Islam in China -- Islam in the Chinese environment

Up to the twentieth century, Islamic charitable endowments provided the material foundation of the Muslim world. In Lebanon, with the fall of the Ottoman Empire and the imposition of French colonial rule, many of these endowments reverted to private property circulating in the marketplace. In contemporary Beirut, however, charitable endowments have resurfaced as mosques, Islamic centers, and nonprofit organizations. A historical anthropology in dialogue with Islamic law, God's Property demonstrates how these endowments have been drawn into secular logics—no longer the property of God but of the Muslim community—and shaped by the modern state and modern understandings of charity and property. Although these transformations have produced new kinds of loyalties and new ways of being in society, Moumtaz's ethnography reveals the furtive persistence of endowment practices that perpetuate older ways of thinking of one's self and one's responsibilities toward family and state.

"What is the natural condition of human beings in the state of nature? What are the circumstances that exist in the state of nature and what may one, convincingly, Claim in regards to human nature? Or, better still, how do we assert and substantiate what we make of it all? Responding to these inquiries, political theorists have put forth a bewildering array of opinions, explaining their perceptions concerning the constitution of human beings and the extant conditions in which they live. The philosophers selected are Aristotle, Thomas Hobbes, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, John Locke and Baron de Montesquieu. From each of them, a few key ideas from carefully chosen works will be extracted in order to explain their respective positions on man in nature. Subsequently, following a deconstruction of their viewpoints, this article proceeds to expose the distinct values that lead to an Islamic concept of human beings in the state of nature. It does so by drawing from the Qur'an and Prophetic traditions and, adding to that, includes pivotal political treatises written by Ibn Khaldun and Muhammad lqbal." (author's abstract)

This article examines how state-linked religious actors negotiate religious demands in a secular authoritarian state. There is a prevalent assumption that such religious actors lack the agency to affect state decisions. I do not seek to challenge that proposition, rather to qualify it by identifying the scope and extent of their authority. Taking the state as an autonomous actor, I examine fatwas or official religious edicts in Singapore through the lens of 'policy feedback', which analyses how the bureaucratisation of religious institution created new legal and bureaucratic channels that shape state policies. This paper aims to primarily answer the following question: What role do fatwas play in shaping statist interpretation of religion? I answer this by looking at the historical development of religious bureaucracy in Singapore – which includes the fatwa institution – and analysing the role of fatwas in relation to state policies. I argue that the bureaucratisation of religion not only regulates religious demands, but creates a juncture for religious institutions to inform and contest statist version of Islam though policy feedback, a concept that has thus far been only partially applied to economic issues. Policy feedback explains how religious demands are negotiated at the bureaucratic level and is particularly instructive in clarifying the discourse between the state and the fatwa institutions, which underlines that the policies and programmes of the autonomous state can be influenced by the very demands of religious bureaucrats. This paper also introduces Statist Islam as an original concept with which to conceptualise the amalgamation of statist and religious interests, and considers how the informal authority of fatwas continues to function beyond the legal and bureaucratic restrictions set by the state.

How long have the United States and their Saudi allies been sponsoring and financing the radical Islamists, and why doesn't anyone stop them? Labévière uncovers the money-laundering, the organized crime and the interlocking world of business and politics that fuel the terrorists. The central nerve of Islamism, he states, is not religion - it is money.

El artículo se enfoca en la cuestión étnica en el Medio Oriente ampliado. Busca explicar la multiplicidad de identidades existente hasta nuestros días y el nivel de conflicto étnico, superior al de otras regiones. Tal situación está anclada en el Estado otomano y otros Estados islámicos coetáneos, que no tendieron hacia la uniformidad como los Estados modernos europeos. Hay una explicación histórica: un punto de partida diferente y un desarrollo trunco debido a su debilidad en el moderno sistema mundial. Los Estados del siglo XX agravaron la situación al intentar sin éxito transformarse en entidades políticas monoétnicas. ; The article focuses on the ethnic question in the greater Middle East. It seeks an explanation for the multiplicity of identities subsisting nowadays, and for the level of ethnic conflict, greater than in other regions. Such situation is rooted in the Ottoman state and other Islamic coeval states, which did not tend toward uniformity, as modern European states did. There is a historical explanation for this: their different starting point, and their interrupted development due to their weak position in the modern world system. Twentieth century states aggravated the situation by unsuccessfully trying to transform themselves into monoethnic political bodies. ; 154-171 ; haroldo@servidor.unam.mx ; semestral