Suchergebnisse

Preface / Do Kyun David Kim & Gary L. Kreps -- Health communication in mixed status Latino immigrant families in the United States / Caryn Medved -- Cultural factors influencing health literacy, health care access, and health behaviors among Korean-Americans / Kyeung Mi Oh, Kyungeh An, Moonju Lee, & Gary L. Kreps -- Addressing the health communication challenges facing Chinese American immigrants / Xuewei Chen, Ming Li, & Gary L. Kreps -- Survival against odds : undocumented immigrants and communication about policies and access to health care in the United States / Jaime S. Robb & Ambar Basu -- Language barriers as a social phenomenon : distinctive impacts on health communication in Japan and USA / Sachiko Terui & Elaine Hsieh -- Mapping young female refugees' personal communication system for health promotion : a pilot project in the United States / Hua Wang -- Communicating COVID-19 health and safety measures to vulnerable communities : the case of refugees and migrants in Austria and Germany / Judith Kohlenberger & Maria Gruber -- Segregation within welfare societies : communication barriers to migrants' healthcare in Scandinavia / Elisabeth Mangrio & Michael Strange -- Diffusion of information and influence for promoting health among Joseon-jok workers in South Korea / Do Kyun David Kim, Eun-Jeong Han, & Seulgi Park -- Immigration, social support, and well-being : a case study of immigrants in Hong Kong / Leanne Chang -- Covid-19 pandemic experienced by migrant workers in densely populated Singapore : case perspectives for health communication / May O. Lwin, Chitra Panchapakesan, & Hedwig Alfred -- Health communication barriers faced by Rohingya refugees during COVID-19 / Muhiuddin Haider, Sameen Ahmed, & Jamal Uddin -- Communicative health promotion for refugee children in Uganda / David KaawaMafigiri, Francis Kato, Agnes Kyamulabi, Tamara Giles-Vernick, Ruth Kutalek, David Napier, & Eddie J Walakira -- South-South migration and the health communication concerns confronting Venezuelan refugees in Peru / Hilda Patricia Garcia Cosavalente & Gary L. Kreps -- Ecological message design strategies based on narrative evidence from immigrants and refugees in diverse socio-cultural contexts / Soo Jung Hong -- Health campaigns and message design for immigrant populations / Xiaomei Cai, Xiaoquan Zhao, Kyeungmi Oh, & Emily B. Peterson.

This study first examines the establishment of Gyeongsang-jwasuyeong, currently Suyeong-dong, Busan, where the Gwangalli Eobang Festival is held, and the activities of the Gyeongsang Left Navy to analyze how the region's history and cultural characteristics are faithfully reflected in the programs of the Gwangalli Eobang (Fishing Village) Festival. Next, it explores the inheritance of naval and fishing folk culture from a humanistic perspective based on the characteristics and past Gwangalli Eobang Festivals and the five major programs. Lastly, the study proposes methods to enhance the efficiency of the Gwangalli Eobang Festival as a marine cultural tourism event. The Gwangalli Eobang Festival aims to preserve and develop the unique traditional culture and noble spirit that embody the cooperation of Korean ancestors. It focuses on the fishing cooperatives called "Eobang (Fishing Villages)" formed by the naval forces and fishermen during the Joseon Dynasty. This study examines the five major programs of the Gwangalli Eobang Festival, which are based on the traditional naval and fishing folk culture. Furthermore, this study analyzes the characteristics and issues of the Gwangalli Eobang Festival in line with the literature "Comprehensive Assessment on Cultural Tourism Festivals" published by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism from 2010, when the Gwangalli Eobang Festival was first selected by the ministry to be surveyed, to the present. The assessment concentrated on three aspects: satisfaction, program, and operation. The visitor satisfaction surveys reveal the festival is still at the national average level, and many areas in the program and operation sections need improvement. Lastly, the study identifies improvements based on the suggestions of the previous literature, "Comprehensive Assessment of Cultural Tourism Festivals." Considering the findings, the study analyzes the 21st Gwangalli Eobang Festival in 2023, including its characteristics and challenges. The study proposes 10 measures to enhance the efficiency of the festival in the future.

For centuries, the peoples of the Korean Peninsula and the island of Japan have had a turbulent history; one of conflict and occupation, cultural and economic trade, and much more. However, many would agree that the most definable moment for current South Korean and Japanese relations is the Japanese Annexation and Occupation of Joseon Korea from 1910-1945. Japanese rule consisted of atrocities and war crimes, economic exploitation, erasure of Korean culture, and military sexual slavery; the victims referred to as 'comfort women'. Japanese forced sexual slavery not only affected relations between the island and peninsula, but it also deeply affected Korean culture through means of trauma, and most recently, the search for justice. Cultural trauma is a relatively new concept in the social sciences and has been explored and expanded upon by scholar Jeffrey C. Alexander. Studies have been done to examine trauma in decedents of comfort women survivors and have just begun to examine the history of comfort women's role in contributing to national identity. However, to what extent and in what ways cultural trauma continues to persist in contemporary South Korea is unknown. To fully understand the magnitude of such trauma is incredibly important in understanding how cultural trauma works, and the ways in which it will persist and affect the future whether culturally, politically, or economically. For this reason, I studied the cultural traumaand national identityof the Korean 'comfort women' of WWIInarrativeto find out to what extent such historyresonates with young Korean adults and is affecting their social and political perspectives towards Japan and its government. This study has shown that among all participants, the narrative of the comfort women plays a strong role in their sense of national identity. However, the presence of cultural trauma was limited to female participants, demonstrating that cultural traumacan be gendered and should be investigated further.

The Gabo Reform cabinet in 1894 instituted the sanitary police system. With no cure or vaccine for epidemics available and few Western-trained doctors, the task of implementing disinfection and quarantine had to be taken up by the police. However, the sanitary police active in late Joseon Korea worked under civilian supervision. After the Protectorate Treaty of 1905, Japan changed the sanitary police system in Korea, reinforcing the role and the responsibility of the police. Unlike the Korean government, the colonial authority saw police enforcement as the mainstay of administrative implementation. The police-centered sanitizing system was fully established in 1911 when the full responsibility for sanitation work was transferred to the police. Whenever cholera raged through Korea, one of the first measures the Japanese colonial government took was to inspect sea vessels and trains. It was the police who were sent to examine the vessels and crews and also to see to the implementation of quarantine. Vaccination was regarded as the most effective preventive measure and the police controlled all aspects of vaccination campaigns. The most critical mission the police were assigned to carry out was house inspection. The police-centered anti-cholera activities seemed to work. With the exception of the years 1919, 1920 and 1926, colonial Korea did not see as many casualties from cholera as Japan did during the same period. However, the anti-cholera activities carried out by the police often encountered a hostile response from the people. Some expressed doubts about the police-centered anti-epidemic activities, arguing that the colonial government should provide sanitation education, not forced sanitation. But the key aspects of the police-centered sanitary system did not change. The successive budget cuts, together with the colonial government�셲 desire to control its subjects, prevented the rise of an adequate sanitary infrastructure, and led to the colonizers�� continued reliance on the sanitary police system. ; open

Through the Student Doctor(Ui-saeng) Ordinance promulgated in November 1913, traditional Korean doctors were relegated to the lower status of Student Doctors, inferior to that of Western Doctors(Teacher Doctor, Ui-sa) or Traditional Doctors(Gentry Doctor, Ui-sa). As the Government-General of Korea(GGK, Joseon Chongdokbu) reorganized national health care system along the lines of Western Medicine(WM), the survival of Traditional Korean Medicine(TKM) became precarious with no institutional guarantee such as license of medical doctor or medical education. The GGK was inclined to construct a national health care system along the lines of WM, but Western doctors were few in number. Therefore, the GGK hoped to increase the number of Western doctors through the Licensing Exam of Western Doctor, and mobilized Student Doctors in public health work. However, there was little practical effect in the proliferation of Western doctors. Rather the GGK�셲 efforts to mobilize Student Doctors in public health work through the Licensing Exam of Student Doctor were strengthened. Because TKM had to learn WM to survive, they could not but accept WM in part. Most of the questions on the Licensing Exam of Student Doctor were based in WM. Despite little change in the Licensing Exam of Student Doctor, there was no fundamental change in the necessity of learning WM, thus rendering that the Student Doctor�셲 associations came in the end to accept WM. Despite the coercion of the GGK, TKM�셲 interests lay in medical treatment and pharmacopeia. To control the prescription of Western drugs, the GGK established a new examination in Western pharmacology. Earlier research explains the 1920s as a time of �쏣ast-West eclecticism�� and the 1930s as a time of �쐒ecovery of traditional medicine.�� On the whole, they place emphasis on TKM�셲 eclecticism, taking only what is need from the West by the East under the coercion of the GGK. However, my paper asserts that rather there was a coexistence of the two autonomous elements, the East and the West, within KTM. This coexistence was necessitated by the need to protect TKM�셲 identity. TKM�셲 coexistence and eclecticism represented TKM�셲 ideal and reality. ; open

The present study was intend to track down the transitional process in which the hierarchical dominance in the urban structure of Namwon City shifted from the Namwoneupseong Walled Town to the area of Gwanghalluwon Garden by using cadastral data and various historical sources. It was aimed to find the factors regarding the transition and a sustainable development plan to the historical landscape. The results were as follows: First, the urban structure of former Namwon City has succeeded to a typical grid street structure of walled town. However, land use and urban landscape to an existing grid street structure and a modified grid street structure was formed by development of transportation in the city. In addition, as the fortress was demolished, land development expanded east and west along the railroad and Yochun River. Accordingly, the central areas of Namwon City also expanded and shifted from Namwoneupseong Walled Town to the new towns in the adjacent area. Secondly, lots transformation process of Gwanghalluwon Garden started the changing by transitioning from the pavilion of a past government office to tourist attraction in the novel Chunhyang-jeon, written during the Joseon Dynasty. It was transformed into the current area of Gwanghalluwon Garden through the regional expansion project in the 1960s, and the relocation of neighboring market in the 1970s by the conflagration. And Namwon County purchased these lands. Later, Gwanghalluwon Garden was designated a cultural asset and the current shape of Gwanghalluwon Garden has been preserved since then. Third, The secret of how Gwanghalluwon Garden has been able to survive as a "dominated landscape" is likely to be found in the relationship between the development of the city (external factor), historical landscapes (internal factor), and complex interactions of history, geography, culture, etc. Furthermore, each factor has served as a unique element in developing Gwanghalluwon Garden into a famous site. Now, people perceive the area surrounding Gwanghalluwon Garden as a valuable space. Fourth, to preserve Gwanghalluwon Garden's important legacy as a historical landscape, it is necessary to shed new light on the awareness of values accumulated over time. Accordingly, the process by which a historical resource evolves in value, urban functions, and culture can be expected to have "unpredictable positive effects" in areas where cultural acts occur and society, environment, economics, etc. serve as motives to preserve the historical resource.

In this paper, I intended to identify the starting point of Korea�셲 medieval medicine. I thought that Korea�셲 medieval medicine started after the Unification of the three kingdoms by Silla, and its adoption Tang�셲 medical system through the establishment of a medical institute followed by the perpetuation of Chinese medicine in 692 C.E. The establishment of the National Medical Institute (Ui-hak) and the use of Chinese medical texts contributed to the increased universality and compatibility of Korean medicine with Chinese medicine in East Asia. The medical doctors who trained in the National Medical Institute studied with Tang�셲 medical texts, and pioneered medical advancements of Silla. This tradition of nationally tied medical institutions continued into the Goryeo and the Joseon Dynasties. Buddhism held great interest towards the field of medicine, enough for people to compare Buddhism itself as a medical practice of healing the hearts of human beings. Since the Buddhist temples were characterized by communal living, these temples had an early interest in hygiene and often called for a clean environment. Buddhist monks would have played the role of an intellectual as well as a physician within their community. The distinct feature of medicine in East Asia during the 8~9th centuries is the acceptance of the Chinese medical knowledge and it�셲 system by Korea and Japan and, the standardization of medicine that followed. This increased the compatibility and universality of medicine amongst the three countries and revitalized the exchange of medical knowledge in the East Asia, and led the foundation for the expansion of medicinal trade throughout East Asia. Unlike the West, central powers attempted to take exclusive control over medicine in East Asia and medical treatments were performed through the will of the king. In other words, the government exclusively operated the medical educational institutions, appointed the trained personnel as government officials through examinations, and compiled medical texts that standardized medical knowledge. All of this was accomplished under the medieval bureaucratic system and the medicine was used as a political tool by the kings. The official doctors were given higher status in Silla and Japan in comparison to China. This was because Chinese medicine was new knowledge in the two countries and the medical doctors that practiced the Chinese medicine were new technicians as well. ; restriction

This paper argues that it is necessary to analyze the identity of the ruling elite in the Chosŏn Dynasty through the nobles munbŏl 문벌(門閥) using the ideological methodology. The identity of the ruling elite in the Joseon Dynasty should be considered in relation to the state. In the first part of this paper, we review the existing studies on the relationship between the ruling elite and the state in Korea. The first group gives a view that the ruling class has autonomy from the state and has an identity outside the country. The second group of the studies shows that the ruling autonomous governments have encroached on the private sector. The third group are studies showing that the ruling class of the Chosŏn Dynasty structurally could not escape the domination of the state. Each of these studies pointed out important points in characterizing the ruling elites of the Chosŏn dynasty, yet they had some limitations because they lacked an ideological consideration of what their identity is fundamentally from. The second part of the paper presents how to overcome these limitations by insisting that the identity of the ruling class should be examined in relation to the state at that time through the issue of civilization. ; 본 논문은 조선시대 지배엘리트의 정체성을 파악하기 위해서는 문벌(門閥)이라는 소재를 통해 사상적인 방법론으로 분석하는 것이 필요함을 주장한 논문이다. 조선시대 지배엘리트의 정체성은 국가와의 관계 속에서 고찰되어야 한다. 이를 위해 우선 논문의 전반부에서 조선의 지배엘리트와 국가의 관계에 대해 다룬 기존의 연구들을 세 가지 경향으로 나누어 고찰하였다. 첫 번째 그룹은 지배층이 국가로부터 자율성을 가지며, 국가 밖의 영역에 정체성을 두고 있다고 여기는 연구들이다. 두 번째 그룹은 역시 국가로부터 자율성을 가지는 지배층이 사적 영역으로 국가를 잠식하였다고 보는 연구들이다. 세 번째 그룹은 조선시대 지배층은 구조적으로 국가의 지배를 벗어날 수 없었다고 여기는 연구들이다. 각각의 연구들은 조선시대 지배엘리트의 성격을 파악하는 데에 중요한 지점을 지적하였으나, 그들의 정체성이 근본적으로 무엇으로부터 오는가에 대한 사상적 고찰을 결여했기 때문에 한계를 가진다. 논문의 후반부에서는 이러한 한계를 극복하기 위한 제안으로, 문벌이라는 소재를 통해 당시 지배층의 정체성을 국가와의 관계 속에서 살펴보기를 주장하였다. ; Autorka zakłada, że próba analizy warstwy rządzącej za czasów panowania dynastii Chosŏn na przykładzie szlachetnie urodzonych munbŏl 문벌 (門閥) powinna być przeprowadzana przy pomocy analizy ideologicznej, zaś tożsamość warstwy rządzącej należy rozpatrywać w relacji do kraju. Artykuł stanowi analizę istniejących badań, które dzielą się na trzy główne grupy. Pierwsza z grup wysuwa tezę, że warstwa rządząca jest niezależna od kraju i rządu i w takim oderwaniu należy rozpatrywać jej tożsamość. Druga grupa wskazuje na to, że warstwa rządząca opanowała również tzw. sektor prywatny. Trzecia grupa pokazuje, że warstwa ta nie była w stanie odciąć się strukturalnie od rządów. Dalsza część artykułu skupia się na analizie pozostałych punktów charakterystycznych dla koreańskiej warstwy rządzącej.

Исследуется деятельность группировок политической элиты, боровшихся за влияние при дворе короля. Еще до прихода европейцев в политической практике Кореи существовало такое явление, как «партия» («тан»), отражавшее черты традиционной политической культуры. Особое внимание уделено периоду правления династии Ли, когда характерной чертой жизни правящей элиты становится ее деление на «партии». ; The author analyses the problem of forming of party origins in traditional Korea society. The research on proto-party groups began from the period of the Three Kingdoms of Korea (1st c. BC 7th c. AD) when different clans or different pretenders of one clan struggled between each other. Due to the absence of a centralized government a lot of great families tried to seize the power. At that time some traditions of proto-party groups were formed: the tendency of regionalism and short periods of a political group cycle. During the Kingdom of Goryeo (10th 15th centuries) the practice of military take-overs was formed. These experiences of military take-overs were sealed in people"s memory, became the base for its following use in political practice and formed the image of the special military mission in Korean history. Also at that time a new social class was formed: it consisted of small and middle officialdom from province. In the middle of the 14th century two political groups struggled: they differed in social base (old aristocrats with land and new bureaucracy), in ideology (Confucianism and Neo-Confucianism), in view on the government structure. Despite the new level of proto-party groups, the methods of political struggle were similar to those in the past: denunciations, assassinations, coups d"états. The factionalism, or the party was one of the most typical features in the Joseon"s dynasty (1392-1897). The party became the new pattern of the political culture of traditional Korea. The party had its followers. It was of influence not only in the capital but also in the provinces. The institute had an amorphous structure consisting of the core (the most influential and established yangban) and some clienteles. The cause of the party differentiation was the struggle for government posts. As a result of traditional political groups and parties research we can emphasize the following features of the oriental party: the absence of difference of opinions on domestic policy (the causes of conflicts between parties were international affairs or ethics and philosophy discussions) the social base of the party consisting of aristocrats and bureaucracy (the patron-client system). The key goals of such a party were the influence on the king or receiving the top appointment. The final feature is its weak institutional structure: splits were frequent because of internal tensions.

This paper aims to scrutinize the social status of the diverse physicians of Ancient Korea, looking at the changes and their meaning. First, I will investigate the perception of yishi(i占졗얨) which was at the core of medical healers(i占쟏uiN) and the changes in its usage in historical documents. According to Zhouli(n짼OE; The Rites of Zhou), there were diverse yi(i占�), such as the yishi(i占졗얨; doctor), the shiyi(aYi占�; food doctor), the jiyi(o챨i占�; disease doctor), the yangyi(aEi占�; surgeon) and the shouyi(a(R)i占�; veterinarian) in the bureaucratic system of the Zhou dynasty( from BC 10C to BC 256). To Zhouli, the Yishi referred to the head of the diverse group of yi(챨쨀i占�). But general folk doctors(UAi占�) were also called yishi in Tang(O횖: 618-907) China. This suggests that the notion of the yishi was expanded, and that folk doctors were raised in social status in Tang(O횖). In Ancient Korea, there were also diverse physicians. I will categorize them in two groups, the official government physician and the common physician. Goguryeo (from BC 1C to 668) experienced the most advanced medicine in the early period of the Three Kingdoms. So Goguryeo`s physicians travelled throughout the East Asian countries. Some of them became court physicians(a쨈 i占�) in Japan. Baekje (BC 18-660) was influenced by the Yang(aA: 502-557) China, and devel- oped its own medical system. Baekje used to send their medical doctors to Wa (e횧) in Japan to train the Japanese doctors. There were also many pharmaceutical officers in Baekje, and also in Silla. This means that they separated prescribing and pharmaceutical dispensing during the Three Kingdom`s period. Shaman medicine(Uai占�) was first practiced in Ancient Korea. They treated kings and royal families in the early period of the Three Kingdoms, but as Buddhist medicine and Chinese medicine were introduced, the role of the Shaman rapidly weakened at court, and their social status dropped lower and lower. Buddhist monk physicians(a占줶占�) replaced shaman medicine and became the healers of the royal family and aristocrats. They also became important healers for commoners, treating many diseases. The aristocrat who had medical knowledge was called Hakyi(uEi占쟳cholar physician) in the early Three Kingdoms period. This also refers to the yuyi(eai占잺onfucian physician) in Goryeo(918-1392) and in the Joseon(1392-1910) dynasty. These physicians were aristocrats as well as scholars. They were not professional physicians, however they had the most developed and philosophical apprehension of medicine. In BC 692, Silla established the Yihak(i占쟵E: National Medical Institute). Medical bureaucrats of Unified Silla obtain the highest social status compared with the medical officers of Former Silla and of Tang. Because the medical officers who graduated from Medical Institute of Unified Silla (668-935), were merely technicians, it took a long time before the medical officers in Unified Silla understood Chinese Tang medicine. ; open

Обозначены основные этапы формирования корейской идентичности и показана роль представления о Тангуне на каждом из них. Идея «прародителя Тангуна» постоянно претерпевала изменения, но при этом она оставалась неотъемлемым компонентом этнического самосознания. Особый интерес к образу Тангуна проявлялся в критических ситуациях в условиях борьбы с иноземными захватчиками, в периоды социально-экономической нестабильности. Постепенно идея «прародителя Тангуна» укреплялась в сознании корейского народа, а в начале XX в. заняла в нем лидирующую позицию. ; The article is devoted to Korean national identity formation. Based on the analysis of the opinions of South Korean researchers on this process, the major stages of Korean national identity formation were shown and main problems were pointed out. Shin Yong-Ha views the development of the Korean nation as a long process that had stages of proto-nation, pre-modern nation and modern nation. Kim Tae-Heui associates the formation of common national consciousness with the late Goryeo Dynasty, when "Dongin-consciousness" was formed. Kim Gi-Bong takes the view that history and historical chronicles can be used as one of the sources to define the Korean identity. As he noted, in each period of history people wrote their own version of Korean history, by analyzing these versions we can try to understand their idea of who Koreans are. Jeong Young-Hun, the researcher of the National integration movement in Korea, supposes that the Integration movement had developed in three stages, which were closely related to the stages of the Korean nation development. Thus, many researchers agree that the period of the formation of the Korean national consciousness is related to Modern history. However, the statement that there was a special form of a common ethnic identity of the population of the Korean Peninsula in the Late Goryeo period and Early Joseon period is not disproved. The role of the idea of Dangun on each stage of the Korean identity existence also was observed in this article. Shin Yong-Ha showed that on the stage of proto-nation there was the worship of Dangun. The author of the article pointed out one of the features of the Korean consciousness development. This feature is an importance of the religious factor in national consolidation. The earliest documented records of the myth of Dangun are found in Samguk Yusa (1285). According to some scholars, the formation of the Korean identity and the recall of the Dangun myth in that time was a result of the fight against strong foreign power such as the Mongol Empire. From that time the idea of Dangun is not only a local belief anymore, but also has a political meaning and is a base and main part of the Korean consciousness. By the beginning of the 20th century this idea gained the leading position in the Korean national identity. In this way the idea that Dangun is the Korean''s common ancestor underwent some changes, but always was an integral part of Korean consciousness. The particular interest in Dangun was manifested in critical situations, such as a fight against foreign invaders or periods of socio-economic instability. The idea that Dangun is the Korean''s common ancestor became gradually stronger in the consciousness of the Korean people.

This article analyzes the important historical stages of the South Korean historical traditions, from ancient Neolithic times to the present day. Investigated important factors and worldview that took place in the historical formation South Korean society, as a modern leader in world kordynatah development. The role of South Korean society, as custodian of tradition and cultural heritage. An important factor in the development of historical traditions in the Korean peninsula since the Neolithic, is cultural pressure from other countries both East and West. Half a century of colonial rule, the Japanese Empire on the Korean peninsula, despite the violence and repressive policies of the national total for the assimilation of ethnic Koreans, the Japanese failed to destroy the Korean tradition, its vitality dignity has gone through rigorous testing history and showed great maturity Korean people. But that could not do the Mongols and Japanese colonizers managed to make the Communist Korea. National history and many achievements were simply destroyed and then recreated originally given ideological communist regime. In this study, we see that an important mission in preserving historical traditions the Korean people serves society and the state Republic of Korea. Going through difficult times of formation of the South Korean state authoritarianism through military control of South Korea reached the level of a democratic state, showing that their maturity and ability to influence the whole world.February 25, 2008 the President of the Republic of Korea for the next five years was Lee Myung-bak. Its characteristics are: determination, straightforwardness and pragmatic approach to business (founded as saying the «Protestant ethic»). Lee Myung-bak, unlike his predecessors, was the first in the history of Korea's presidency, which made a major breakthrough for its people. Former deacon Protestant churche reached stability and success for their country. The period of his presidency is characterized by important stages, namely: the politics of education. He established the National Scholarship Foundation, which has provided student loans. In addition, the government has maintained a system of «deferred payment» for those hard to pay tuition. Politics in economics «Mbnomics» - a term applied to Lee Myung-bak held macroeconomic policy. The central part of the plan of the Lee Myung-bak's economic recovery plan is his "Korea 7-4-7." Name of the plan consists of goals. Increase GDP by 7% raise per capita income to U.S. $ 40,000, and make Korea the seventh in the list of countries with the most developed economies. Foreign Policy. To resolve the North Korean nuclear issue requires close cooperation between the six-party talks. Strengthening the Union of South Korea and the United States, founded on shared values and mutual benefit, it is important to allow Korea to take appropriate action and have an impact on the situation in North Korea and Northeast Asia.Today inter-Korean relations are transient and tense situation. 2010 - 2012 GG, was busy leading to military conflict between South and North. But overall policy of Lee Myung-bak made a major breakthrough in the history of South Korea and exit to world globalization level.New and modern sixth president of the republic for the first time in the history of South Korea was a woman - Park Hyo KIN. December 19, 2012 she won the election fair and opened a new era in the history and traditional culture is not characteristic of this society, which is based on the Joseon Dynasty. KIN Pak Ho, daughter of the famous President Park Chung Hee, who made a great contribution to the development of the South Korean economy and laid a proper foundation. Pak King He based his economic recovery program has put the country. The process of historical development is irreversible, because in modern South Korea, which is a highly developed industrial country, revive and cultivate the values of traditional culture that emerged in the feudal era, can only artificially, natural way of further development of historical tradition these days is directed toward its deep globalization. The peculiarity of Korean tradition explains the features and patterns of historical development in the Far pockets Confucian civilization. Keeping a creative experience of many generations of Korean people, it is not only his property, but included in the treasury of cultural property of all mankind. ; В статье проанализированы важные исторические этапы формирования южнокорейской исторической традиции, от древнейших времен неолита до наших дней. Исследованы важные факторы и мировоззренческие установки, имевшие место в историческом формировании южнокорейского общества, как современного лидера в мировые координаты развития. Проанализирована роль южнокорейского общества как хранителя традиции и культурного наследия. ; В статті проаналізовано важливі історичні етапи формування південнокорейської історичної традиції, від найдавніших часів неоліту до наших днів. Досліджено важливі чинники та світоглядні настанови які мали місце у історичному формуванні південнокорейського суспільства, як сучасного лідера у світових координатах розвитку. Проаналізовано роль південнокорейського суспільства, як зберігача традиції та культурної спадщини.

Neil Brownsword is an artist, researcher, and educator who holds professorial positions in ceramics at Staffordshire University and the University of Bergen. This essay is based on a lecture given on 5 December 2020 as part of the Centre's Public Lecture Course, Ceramics in Britain, 1750 to Now, which you can watch at: https://www.paul-mellon-centre.ac.uk/whats-on/forthcoming/obsolescence-and-renewal-reimagining-north-staffordshires-ceramic-heritage Obsolescence and Renewal The six towns that constitute Stoke-on-Trent have been famed for their industrial-scale pottery manufacture since the early eighteenth century. By the 1720s, growing consumer demand for finer ceramics led to skill specialisation, and the local population's integration into an economy led by the manufacture of pottery. Alongside pioneers of the industrial revolution such as Wedgwood and Spode, the Staffordshire potteries were driven by hundreds of smaller factories with more than 2,000 kilns firing millions of products a year. By 1938, half the workforce of Stoke-on-Trent worked in the 'Potteries', with employment peaking in 1948 at an estimated 79,000 people. During the last three decades, however, many North Staffordshire-based companies have struggled to compete in both domestic and export markets. In the 1990s, many factories were forced to outsource production to East Asia, where energy and direct labour costs were a fraction compared to those in North Staffordshire. This strategy, coupled with advances in production technology, has been significantly detrimental to traditional practices that once fashioned material objects in particular ways – many of which are now endangered as few apprenticeships exist to effectively transfer this knowledge. The displacement of much of Stoke-on-Trent's manufacturing capacity has accelerated regional decline, with cultural regeneration hailed by policymakers as a universal panacea to transform industrial ruin into aestheticised backdrops for artistic consumption. Yet within the regeneration agenda of place there is often an unseemly haste for local government and cultural organisations to circumvent the human fallout of industrial change, in favour of a more 'managed' account of the recent past. Thus, the psychological and emotional dimensions of industrial history – the first-hand recollections surrounding networks, social bonds, and pride forged by collective skill, can be all too easily side-lined. Since 2013, I have used my artistic profile to foreground the embodied knowledge of skilled personnel formerly employed in North Staffordshire's ceramic industry to challenge both this politicised amnesia, and charges of me being complicit in a 'retrospective idealisation' of the industrial past. Through collaborative performance, object installation, and filmed re-enactment, the work has sought to bring critical attention to people and traditional knowledge displaced by the effects of British economic policies that favour low regulation in global trade. I have staged site-specific performative interventions at numerous post-industrial spaces and high-profile cultural venues, to elucidate and rejuvenate skilled practices often considered outmoded or economically unviable for contemporary production. FACTORY, staged in 2017 at Icheon World Ceramic Center, South Korea, centred on six performances that addressed the cultural hierarchies and value systems of two distinct ceramic traditions. In Britain today, the regressive utopianism of John Ruskin and William Morris and Anglo-Oriental doctrines of the studio pottery movement continue to galvanise notions of spiritual and moral superiority associated with 'handcraft', and to relegate industrial know-how to a position of inferiority. Both Bernard Leach and Yanagi Soetsu, during a period of British and Japanese imperialist power in the early twentieth century, romantically venerated the 'humble beauty' of 'peasant' pottery from the Korean peninsula. As part of its processes of decolonisation at the end of World War II, South Korea adopted a nationalist discourse around its Joseon legacy, and subsequently introduced laws to protect its heritage and reinforce its cultural identity. At the forefront of UNESCO's 1993 campaign to preserve and promote "Living Human Treasures", South Korea now grants special status to individuals with exceptional cultural ability. In 2003, the UNESCO convention to safeguard 'intangible cultural heritage' further advocated support for the transmission of tacit knowledge, skills, and practices. A total of 178 countries have now ratified this convention, effectively making 'intangible heritage' part of their cultural policy – but unfortunately the UK is not one of them. In response to this, FACTORY collided the ceramic practices of two ex-industry personnel from Stoke-on-Trent – china flower-maker Rita Floyd and mould-maker James Adams – with the culturally revered dexterity of Korean master artisans. China flower-making remains one of the few methods of mass production that relies completely upon the dexterity of the hand. With changing fashion, this industry in Stoke-on-Trent has all but disappeared, with Rita Floyd being one of a handful of still-practising artisans who retain this knowledge. Floyd's performance provided an intimate space for audiences to witness her rhythmic intricacies of touch through predetermined patterns of repetition, efficiency, and uniformity. Yet to avoid staging a passive spectacle, typical of 'authorised heritage discourse', Floyd was instructed to continuously discard her manufacture onto a 6-metre production line built within the gallery. These symbolic gestures gave unprescribed form to each crafted component, with their distortion and random coalescence dictated by gravity and the material's plasticity. Floyd's intermittent performances and the linear deposits of waste that accumulated in the space were flanked by two film loops that meditated on industrial transition in Stoke-on-Trent. The films juxtaposed haptic knowledge, documented during the restructuring of the Wedgwood factory in 2004, against a 2016 survey of abandoned industrial sites reclaimed by the forces of nature. These intersecting modes of expression both signal the British government's disregard for intangible heritage and the human consequences of globalisation, and challenge notions that specialist knowledge becomes 'redundant' once the support networks of the factory cease to exist. Instead, they consider industrial heritage as a 'living process' and seek its rejuvenation and continuation for the future. Within the gallery space, production remnants salvaged from historic sites of ceramic manufacture were also stripped of their previously assigned use and presented inside vitrines. These artefacts had been marked by a particular point in time, as prior to the factories' closure they were deconstructed to deter their use in subsequent reproduction. To avoid their display becoming mere objectification, these items were performatively remoulded by Korean master Sinhyun Cho, and subsequently cast in porcelain and decorated by other master artisans – carver Yongjun Cho and painter Wonjeong Lee. Faced with these fragmentary reproductions of post-industrial discard, the artisans were given free rein to use traditional iconography, creating tension between culturally inherited notions of value and perfection. A further collaboration began with a series of partially formed moon jars, created by Living National Treasure Seo Kwang-su, who is renowned for continuing many archetypical forms of Korean ceramics. James Adams then took these casually assembled components into a less-revered craft – production mould-making – which was instrumental to ceramic manufacture in North Staffordshire, and paradoxically eradicated human touch through modes of standardisation. This use of human interaction lay counter to 'fixed in the past' demonstrations of skill and virtuosity, which heritage tourism deploys minus the complexities of social redundancy. FACTORY sought to counter such tropes, and practices of 'othering' more generally – whether experienced by marginalised groups in Britain or between British and South Korean artists – via collaborative modes of investigation that stimulated discourse, interactivity, and sensory understanding through the cultural exchange of tacit and explicit knowledge. Reactivating 'obsolescence' through non-commercial production created a space where people with marginalised immaterial heritage could speak for themselves and renegotiate their value, in a context where such embodiments of knowledge are culturally revered, renewed, and sustained for future generations.