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More than half a billion people use Online Social Network Sites (OSNS) today. They disclose personally identifiable information such as names, date of birth, email address, phone numbers, and home address on their profiles. Some OSNS users also disclose their political and religious views and personal interests. The huge commercial potential of OSNS users' information and the integration of OSNS with third party advertisers and/or aggregators pose threats to users' privacy. This thesis reports a study which contributes to our understanding of the form and nature of online privacy by critically analysing the privacy concerns related with the failed launch of Facebook's advertising tool Beacon. Beacon is an interesting case study because it highlighted the privacy concerns of OSNS users. Qualitative data was gathered from 29 weblogs (blogs) representing user opinions (492 comments) published between 6th November 2007(when Beacon was launched) and 28th February 2008 (when commentary had dwindled). A thematic analysis of the blogs contributed in the development of a taxonomy of privacy concerns of OSNS users specifically related with the third party information use. Noticeably, the concerns such as commercialism, terms of service (TOS), lack of user control, lack of user awareness and data protection influence user perceptions of online privacy. The limitations and key implications for designers and service providers of OSNS are also discussed.

Interaction through online social networks potentially results in the contestation of prevailing ideas about health and health care, and to mass protest where health is put at risk or health care provision is wanting. Through a review of the academic literature and case studies of four social networking health sites (PatientsLikeMe, Mumsnet, Treatment Action Campaign, and My Pro Ana), we establish the extent to which this phenomenon is documented, seek evidence of the prevalence and character of health‐related networks, and explore their structure, function, participants, and impact, seeking to understand how they came into being and how they sustain themselves. Results indicate mass protest is not arising from these established health‐related networking platforms. There is evidence of changes in policy following campaigning activity prompted by experiences shared through social networking such as improved National Health Service care for miscarriage (a Mumsnet campaign). Platform owners and managers have considerable power to shape these campaigns. Social networking is also influencing health policy indirectly through increasing awareness and so demand for health care. Transient social networking about health on platforms such as Twitter were not included as case studies but may be where the most radical or destabilizing influence on health care policy might arise.

"Social Networking in the Global Citizens: Social Media series explores social networking platforms and apps, like Facebook and Twitter, through the lenses of History, Geography, Civics, and Economics. Using the new C3 Framework for Social Studies Standards, students will develop questions about the text, and use evidence from a variety of sources in order to form conclusions. Data-focused backmatter is included, as well as a bibliography, glossary, and index"--

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Introduction -- Chapter 1: Social Activism: From the Streets to the Web -- Chapter 2: Reborn: Social Activism in the Digital Age -- Chapter 3: Online Activism Today -- Chapter 4: Now It's Your Turn! -- Glossary -- For More Information -- For Further Reading -- Bibliography -- Index -- Back Cover

This study explores how candidates running for the European Parliament (EP) in 2009 used micro-blogging and online social networks -- in this case Twitter (www.twitter.com) in the early stage of its adoption -- to communicate and connect with citizens. Micro-blogging in general, and Twitter in particular, is one of the new and popular Web 2.0 applications, yet there has been little research focusing on the use of Twitter by politicians. After reviewing different types of campaigning strategies and introducing a new and distinct strategy, this descriptive and exploratory study focuses on political candidates' use of micro-blogging and online social networking (i.e. Twitter) from a longitudinal, social network, and ideological perspective. The results clearly show that most candidates in 2009 still used Twitter reluctantly. Those who used Twitter did so predominantly for electoral campaigning and only sparingly for continuous campaigning. Candidates from progressive parties are the most active users of Twitter as a campaigning tool, whereas conservatives are virtually absent online. Although candidates' first degree networks are still relatively small and unconnected, their second degree networks are quite extensive. Candidates from parties in opposition have more extensive first degree networks than those from ruling parties. Candidates from fringe parties show small online networks. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

PurposeGiven the importance of online social network (OSN) media features, many studies have focused on how different types of OSNs with various media features influence users' usage and engagement. However, a recent literature review indicates that few empirical studies have considered how different types of OSNs with different information accessibility levels influence users' beliefs and self-disclosure. By comparing two OSN platforms (OSNs with high-level information accessibility vs OSNs with low-level information accessibility), the purpose of this paper is to address this opportunity by investigating the differential impacts of the two platforms on individuals' psychological cognition – particularly users' social exchange beliefs – and explaining how these beliefs translate into OSN self-disclosure.Design/methodology/approachThis study used a factorial design approach in an experimental setting to examine how different levels of information accessibility (high vs low), influence the social exchange beliefs (i.e. perceived social capital bridging, perceived social capital bonding and perceived privacy risks) of OSN users and subsequently influence OSN self-disclosure.FindingsThe results show that users on OSNs with high-level information accessibility express significantly higher perceived social capital bridging and perceived privacy risks than users on OSNs with low-level information accessibility. However, users on OSNs with low-level information accessibility express higher social bonding beliefs than users on OSNs with high-level information accessibility, indicating that there are different effect mechanisms toward OSN self-disclosure.Originality/valueThe focus of this research helps unveil the complex relationships between OSN design features (e.g. information accessibility), psychological cognition (e.g. social capital bridging, social capital bonding and privacy risks) and OSN self-disclosure. First, it clarifies the relationship between information accessibility and self-disclosure by examining the mediating effect of three core social exchange beliefs. Second, it uncovers the distinct effects of high-level information-accessible OSNs and low-level information-accessible OSNs on OSN self-disclosure.

"This book explores how online therapy communities offer an accessible space that is not confined by economic abilities, geographical barriers, or familial restraints. Scholars of communication, sociology, and psychology will find this book of particular interest"--

Intro -- Foreword -- Preface -- Introduction -- Contents -- Contributors -- Knowledge Communities and Socio-Cognitive Taxonomies -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Communities in Interaction Networks -- 2.1 Explicit vs. Procedural Methods -- 2.2 Structural Properties of Groups -- 3 Reuniting Structure and Content -- 3.1 Affiliation Networks, Social Circles, and FCA -- 3.2 Formal Concepts as Epistemic Communities -- 4 Applications -- 4.1 Datasets -- 4.2 Socio-Cognitive Taxonomies -- 5 Concluding Remarks -- References -- Individuality in Social Networks -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Related Work -- 3 Social Networks as Formal Contexts -- 4 Individuality of Social Networks -- 5 Experimental Results -- 5.1 Data and Modeling -- 5.1.1 Club Membership Network (CM) konect:2016:brunsonclub-membership -- 5.1.2 Facebook-Like Forum Network (FB) opsahl2009clustering -- 5.1.3 Lange Nacht der Musik (LNM) Schaller2014a -- 5.1.4 Norwegian Board Members (NB) norwegianBoarddataset -- 5.1.5 Southern Women (SW) wasserman1994 -- 5.2 Small World Network Properties -- 5.2.1 Average Shortest Path -- 5.2.2 Average Local Clustering Coefficient -- 5.2.3 Summary -- 5.3 Group Individuality -- 5.4 Individuality Distribution -- 5.5 Average Millieu Size -- 5.6 Discussion and Interpretation -- 6 Conclusions and Outlook -- References -- Descriptive Community Detection -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Subgroup Discovery -- 2.1 Patterns and Subgroups -- 2.2 Interestingness of a Pattern -- 2.3 Community Detection -- 2.3.1 Basics of Community Detection -- 2.3.2 Detecting Overlapping Communities -- 2.4 Exceptional Model Mining -- 3 Community Detection and Description -- 4 Community Detection Using Exceptional Model Mining -- 4.1 COMODO: Description-Oriented Community Detection -- 4.1.1 Algorithmic Overview -- 4.1.2 Illustrative Evaluation Results

This study explores how candidates running for the European Parliament (EP) in 2009 used micro-blogging and online social networks – in this case Twitter ( www.twitter.com ) in the early stage of its adoption – to communicate and connect with citizens. Micro-blogging in general, and Twitter in particular, is one of the new and popular Web 2.0 applications, yet there has been little research focusing on the use of Twitter by politicians. After reviewing different types of campaigning strategies and introducing a new and distinct strategy, this descriptive and exploratory study focuses on political candidates' use of micro-blogging and online social networking (i.e. Twitter) from a longitudinal, social network, and ideological perspective. The results clearly show that most candidates in 2009 still used Twitter reluctantly. Those who used Twitter did so predominantly for electoral campaigning and only sparingly for continuous campaigning. Candidates from progressive parties are the most active users of Twitter as a campaigning tool, whereas conservatives are virtually absent online. Although candidates' first degree networks are still relatively small and unconnected, their second degree networks are quite extensive. Candidates from parties in opposition have more extensive first degree networks than those from ruling parties. Candidates from fringe parties show small online networks.