Suchergebnisse

In the sixties the green and the peace movements alerted the international community of the deterioration of the environment and of the danger of nuclear conflicts. Since then, the green movement has been transformed into political parties, departments, jobs, environmental impact assessments and several international regimes. The first publication of the Club of Rome in 1972, Limits of Growth, had a catalyzing effect for raising life and death questions that confront mankind and claiming that planetary planning was the most important business on earth (Meadows 1972). The peace movement, on the other hand, evolved differently. There were some peak moments such as the peace marches in the eighties, but the impacts were weaker and less decisive. One explanation is that the peace movement had to cope with the strong bureaucracies of foreign offices and of defense departments that claimed the expertise. Another explanation is that a great deal of the peace movement does not define peace as a collective good. Being removed from the embedded conflict gives a false sense of apartness making some conflicts seem irrelevant to societies at peace. The possibility of cruise missiles hitting peaceful countries caused huge peace marches; the snipers in Sarajevo did not. A third reason is that costs of violence continue to be underestimated because of inadequate estimates of the price of failed conflict prevention (Reychler 1999a).

This paper develops a simple sequential-move game to characterize the endogeneity of third-party intervention in conflict. We show how a third party's "intervention technology" interacts with the canonical "conflict technologies" of two rival parties in affecting the sub-game perfect Nash equilibrium outcome. From the perspective of deterrence strategy, we find that it is more costly for a third party to support an ally to deter a challenger from attacking (i.e., to maintain peace or acquiescence), as compared to the alternative case when the third party supports the ally to gain a disputed territory by attacking (i.e., to create war), ceteris paribus. However, an optimally intervening third party can be either "peace-making", "peace-breaking", or neither depending on the characteristics of the conflict and the stakes the third party holds with each of the rival parties.

This paper develops a simple sequential-move game to characterize the endogeneity of third-party intervention in conflict. We show how a third party's "intervention technology" interacts with the canonical "conflict technologies" of two rival parties in affecting the sub-game perfect Nash equilibrium outcome. From the perspective of deterrence strategy, we find that it is more costly for a third party to support an ally to deter a challenger from attacking (i.e., to maintain peace or acquiescence), as compared to the alternative case when the third party supports the ally to gain a disputed territory by attacking (i.e., to create war), ceteris paribus. However, an optimally intervening third party can be either "peace-making", "peace-breaking", or neither depending on the characteristics of the conflict and the stakes the third party holds with each of the rival parties.

[This book first] provides a foundation for a Catholic understanding of justice. [It next] examines key issues related to justice including: poverty in America, global poverty, sexual identity, marginalized groups, and stewardship. [Finally, the book] examines Catholic teaching on peace and current issues related to peace. -http://www.harcourtreligion.com

Reviews James Hinton's Politics and visions which deals with the concept of 'imperialist pacifism'. Hinton argues that CND and the peace movement generally failed to grasp that Britain's position as a middle-ranking power gave it only a limited leverage position. Argues that Hinton misses how peace movement activites were vital in the lead-up to the INF treaty, and their educative role in enlightening both sides in the Cold War. (SJK)

ch. 1. Scarcity, abundance, and structural peace -- ch. 2. The triumph of the commons -- ch. 3. Back to basics : reclaiming life's essentials -- ch. 4. Free at last : empathy, solidarity, and the gift economy -- ch. 5. Flirting with disaster : community resilience in times of crisis -- ch. 6. Resource conflicts, or sustainable collaborations? -- ch. 7. Transborder peace ecology -- ch. 8. Collective reenchantment.