Suchergebnisse

While laissez-faire economy was the product of deliberate state action, subsequent restrictions on laissez-faire started in a spontaneous way. Laissez-faire was planned; planning was not. (Polanyi, 2001, p. 147)

Why are some non-state actors more successful than others in developing and maintaining durable patterns of transnational interaction? Why are some transnational actors more successful in their lobbying than others? This book is a case study of the Baltic Sea region that addresses such questions. Many non-governmental organizations today have regular contacts with counterparts in other littoral states. In some cases, the non-state actors have also deepened their cooperation and established regional international non-governmental organizations or transnational networks. Their purpose has been, amongst other things, to establish a platform from which they can interact with the Baltic Sea states and influence regional intergovernmental processes. In explainging these patterns of transnational relations, the author highlights a broad range of conditions relating to the actors themselves as well as to structure.

"Global Actors: Networks, Elites, and Institutions" published on by Oxford University Press.

Recognition is often considered a means to de-escalate conflicts and promote peaceful social interactions. This volume explores the forms that social recognition and its withholding may take in asymmetric armed conflicts, examining the risks and opportunities that arise when local, state, and transnational actors recognise, misrecognise, or deny recognition of armed non-state actors. By studying key asymmetric conflicts through the prism of recognition, it offers an innovative perspective on the interactions between armed non-state actors and state actors. In what contexts does granting recognition to armed non-state actors foster conflict transformation? What happens when governments withhold recognition or label armed non-state actors in ways they perceive as misrecognition? The authors examine the ambivalence of recognition processes in violent conflicts and their sometimes-unintended consequences. The volume shows that, while non-recognition prevents conflict transformation, the recognition of armed non-state actors may produce counterproductive precedents and new modes of exclusion in intra-state and transnational politics.

Recognition is often considered a means to de-escalate conflicts and promote peaceful social interactions. This volume explores the forms that social recognition and its withholding may take in asymmetric armed conflicts, examining the risks and opportunities that arise when local, state, and transnational actors recognise, misrecognise, or deny recognition of armed non-state actors. By studying key asymmetric conflicts through the prism of recognition, it offers an innovative perspective on the interactions between armed non-state actors and state actors. In what contexts does granting recognition to armed non-state actors foster conflict transformation? What happens when governments withhold recognition or label armed non-state actors in ways they perceive as misrecognition? The authors examine the ambivalence of recognition processes in violent conflicts and their sometimes-unintended consequences. The volume shows that, while non-recognition prevents conflict transformation, the recognition of armed non-state actors may produce counterproductive precedents and new modes of exclusion in intra-state and transnational politics.

AbstractThis paper examines to what extent the background presence of state regulatory capacity – at times referred to as the "regulatory gorilla in the closet" – is a necessary precondition for the effective enforcement of transnational private regulation. By drawing on regulatory regimes in the areas of advertising and food safety, it identifies conditions under which (the potential of) public regulatory intervention can bolster the capacity of private actors to enforce transnational private regulation. These involve the overlap between norms, objectives, and interests of public and private regulation; the institutional design of regulatory enforcement; compliance with due process standards; and information management and data sharing. The paper argues that while public intervention remains important for the effective enforcement of transnational private regulation, governmental actors – both national and international – should create the necessary preconditions to strengthen private regulatory enforcement, as it can also enhance their own regulatory capacity, in particular, in transnational contexts.

"Dieser Aufsatz fragt nach der Rolle nicht-staatlicher Akteure in der Europäischen Gemeinschaft (EG) der 1970er Jahre. Er will dazu beitragen, die traditionelle diplomatiegeschichtliche Integrationsgeschichtsschreibung mit ihrem Fokus auf die Politik der Mitgliedsstaaten gegenüber 'Europa' zu überwinden, die gesellschaftliche Akteure kaum erfasst und analysiert. Die empirischen Beiträge über transnationale Sozialisten, Gewerkschafter, Landwirtschafts- und Umwelt-Lobbyisten in diesem Heft zeigen nachdrücklich, dass nicht-staatliche Akteure bereits in den 1970er Jahren transnational zusammenarbeiteten, ihre Organisationsformen europäisierten und zunehmend in der EG-Politik aktiv waren. Einerseits folgten die Verbände der Verlagerung von Politikfeldern auf die europäische Ebene. Andererseits - und zwar weit mehr als bisher bekannt - trugen sie selbst mit dazu bei, Themen, Umfang und Reichweite der europäischen Politik(en) zu definieren. Europäisches Regieren als governance ist in seinen Grundzügen somit bereits in den 1970er Jahren zu verorten." (Autorenreferat)

DIRECT ELECTIONS TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT HAVE A TRANSNATIONAL AS WELL AS A NATIONAL DIMENSION. UP TO THE PRESENT, THE NATIONAL DIMENSION CLEARLY DOMINATES, HOWEVER. IN THE COURSE OF THE 1984 ELECTION CAMPAIGN, ISSUES CONCERNING THE STRUCTURE, FUNCTIONING AND DEVELOPMENT PERSPECTIVES OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY'S POLITICAL SYSTEM GENERALLY WERE OF MINOR IMPORTANCE. THE SAME CAN BE STATED FOR TRANSNATIONAL ACTORS AND THEIR ACTIVITIES. IN SPITE OF THE VARIOUS CAMPAIGN ACTIVITIES OF THE COMMISSION OF THE EC, THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT WITH ITS POLITICAL GROUPS AND THE EUROPEAN PARTY FEDERATIONS, THE DOMINANT PART OF THE CAMPAIGN WAS PLAYED BY NATIONAL ACTORS. IT IS ARGUABLE THAT THE 1984 ELECTION, COMPARED TO 1979, EVEN SAW AN ACTUAL 'RENATIONALIZATION' OF POLITICS, A FURTHER DIMINUTION OF THE ALREADY MODEST IMPORTANCE OF THE TRANSNATIONAL DIMENSION.

В статье рассмотрено экономическое состояние ТНК сегодня, так как экономические мощности ТНК могут конвертировать в политическое лоббирования своих интересов, чем богаче и крупнее ТНК, чем больше имеет ресурсов, тем она влиятельнее не только в экономике страны, но и в политике, имея рычаги давления и тем она интереснее для правительства страны базирования. В статье представлен анализ экономического потенциала ТНК на 2020 и 2021 года, основанный на рейтингах журналов Forbes и Fortune. Основной акцент был сделан на соотношении выручки крупнейших ТНК и валового национального дохода стран (Турции, Сингапура, Таиланда, Мексики, РФ и другие), что показывает и политическую ресурсность ТНК.

"Since late eighteenth-century Enlightenment, the concept of civil society has increasingly assumed a transnational dimension that has given rise to political debates and attracted scholarly interest. This paper provides a research report and a historical overview of the emergence and transformation of civil society organizations that have transcended national borders and cultural boundaries, especially International Non-Governmental Organizations. Based on deliberations about the definition and conceptualization of 'transnational civil society', the investigation concentrates on the abolitionists, the workers' organizations as well as on peace and on women's movements. The authors suggest that further historical studies of
transnational civil society should relate its groups and activists to specific contexts and conditions. They also argue that further research should pay particular attention to the actors of transnational civil society, their performance and representations. Overall, static conceptions of transnational civil society have ignored its flexibility and changeability over the course of the last two centuries." (author's abstract)