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The primary objective of this study is to determine the effect of a victim's race on the likelihood of him or her being seriously injured during the commission of an interracial crime. We also assess the probability of a homicide occurring during an interracial crime. A multilevel city analysis shows that black offenders are no more apt than white offenders to injure their victims seriously during an interracial robbery or rape. A black offender also does not have a greater proclivity to kill his or her victim during the commission of an interracial crime. Some evidence suggests that white victims are more likely than black victims to suffer serious physical harm during an aggravated assault. Results also reveal that contextual factors related to racial animosity, such as residential segregation, white‐to‐black economic inequality, and black‐to‐white unemployment, fail to have any moderating effect on either the severity of victim injury or the likelihood of a homicide occurring during an interracial crime. Overall, the results generated in this study tend to cast doubt on the validity of racial animosity theory. Our findings also lead us to question the veracity of the oftenmade claim that black‐on‐white crimes are punished more severely because these types of offenses are somehow more heinous in circumstance. At least in regard to serious victim injury and victim death, black‐on‐white crime is no more violent than white‐on‐black crime.

Attempts to understand crime patterns among blacks in the United States have systematically failed to consider the impact of slavery and resultant racist policies on black self-esteem. This paper explores the thesis that cultural domination was fundamentally more damaging than economic domination to black self-esteem. The ruth less attacks on blacks and black culture, usually justified by legal interpretations by whites, destroyed their faith that justice could be secured in this society. Data is pre sented which indicates that social inequalities have been perpetuated under the law and blacks were aware of this. Indeed, the law appears as a major instrument of racial oppression and, historically, many blacks have resisted oppression through illegal acts. Economic oppression of blacks under the law and their resistance created the condi tion in which the connection between crime and punishment lost the power to constrain antisocial acts. Blacks often secretly admired resistance, particularly those who felt op pressed, while whites developed extreme paranoia that blacks were out to take their lives and property. The euphemism "crime in the streets" is the perpetuation of this paranoia. The records show that blacks mainly victim ize blacks. Chances are far greater for a white to be victim ized by another white than by a black. The predominant crime pattern among blacks is against property, and the rate is not significantly higher than for whites. In crime against persons, black rates are higher than white rates.

Cover; Half Title; Title Page; Copyright Page; Table of Contents; List of illustrations; 1. Foundations of biometric identification; Introduction; Identification methods and issues; Police information systems; Theoretical perspectives; References; 2. Fingerprint biometrics; Introduction; Scientific and historical development; Databases; Applications and issues; References; 3. DNA identification; Introduction; Scientific and historical development; DNA databases; Criminal prosecution; New techniques; References; 4. Facial recognition; Introduction; Scientific and historical background.

Contributed articles presented at 83rd annual conference of the Indian Economic Association held at Jammu University during Dec. 30-31, 2000 and January 1, 2001