Suchergebnisse

Cet article se penche sur la structuration et la réorganisation des réseaux socialistes réformistes, héritiers de l'avant-guerre, au sein de l'Organisation internationale du travail (OIT), et de son secrétariat permanent, le Bureau international du travail (BIT). Alors que l'OIT se construit explicitement comme une alternative à la révolution violente portée par Moscou et l'Internationale communiste, Albert Thomas, qui en dirige le secrétariat permanent, incarne quant à lui une option ouvertement réformiste qu'il a tenté de développer au sein du socialisme français au début du XX e siècle. Si cette option perd son crédit en France après la guerre, elle montre sa dynamique au sein de l'OIT avec des figures socialistes, notamment françaises, doublement marquées par l'expérience de la Première Guerre mondiale et de la participation à la Défense Nationale, mais aussi par un attachement à un socialisme réformiste, soucieux d'action et de réalisations immédiates. Cette dynamique s'articule aussi à la volonté de de recréer un nouvel espace international à la croisée des internationalismes socialiste, syndical et coopératif qui se reconfigurent après la Première Guerre mondiale.

How has the teaching of public international law evolved in the regions that make up Switzerland as of today? Are there any peculiarities that have influenced this development, and who have been the proponents and teachers that have educated Swiss lawyers? To what extent has the development of a proper tradition in this area been influenced by the academic traditions outside the territory of Switzerland? This article tries to give a first overview of these questions in order to allow future research in this still understudied field of law. Most of Switzerland has been a latecomer regarding university education and in particular theoretical legal education. While the intensification of Switzerland's international relations in the 19th century leads to the (slow) introduction of courses in public international law, the special role in the aftermath of the two world wars has certainly led to a stronger tradition in this field than in many other States of similar size, initially with a strong interaction with neighbouring States, in particular Germany and France.

The phenomenal story of China's 'unprecedented disposition to engage theinternational legal order' has been primarily told and examined by politicalscientists and economists. Since China adopted its 'open door' policy in1978, which altered its development strategy from self-su!ciency to activeparticipation in the world market and aimed at attracting foreigninvestment to fuel its economic development, the underlying policy formobilizing inward foreign direct investment (IFDI) remains unchanged todate. With the 1997 launch of the 'Going Global' policy, an outward focusregarding foreign investment has been added, to circumvent trade barriersand improve the competitiveness of Chinese firms, typically its state-ownedenterprises (SOEs). In order to accommodate inward and outward FDI,China's participation in the international investment regime hasunderpinned its efforts to join multi-lateral investment-related legalinstruments and conclude international investment agreements (IIAs).China began by selectively concluding bilateral investment treaties (BITs)with developed countries (major capital exporting states to China at thattime), signing its first BIT with Sweden in 1982. Despite being a latecomer,over time China's experience and practice with the international investmentregime have allowed it to evolve towards liberalizing its IIAs regime andbalancing the duties and benefits associated with IIAs. The book spans abroad spectrum of China's contemporary international investment law andpolicy: domestic foreign investment law and reforms, tax policy, bilateralinvestment treaties, free trade agreements, G20 initiatives, the 'One BeltOne Road' initiative, international dispute resolution, and inter-regimecoordination.

Le revirement de jurisprudence cristallise une tension classique du droit entre la nouveauté et la sécurité. Le présent ouvrage se propose d'analyser la question du revirement de jurisprudence à travers l'étude de la pratique de plusieurs organes juridictionnels réunis autour de grands ensembles : l'arbitrage (tribunaux interétatiques, CIRDI), les juridictions interétatiques (CIJ, TIDM, ORDOMC), les juridictions des droits de l'homme (CEDH, CIDH), les juridictions d'intégration (CJUE, juridictions d'intégration africaines, juridictions d'intégration latino-américaines), les juridictions pénales internationales (CPI, tribunaux pénaux internationaux ad hoc, tribunaux pénaux internationalisés) et les juridictions administratives internationales

This article identifies a series of gaps in the English school's thesis of the 'expansion of international society' from European to global extension, and presents two propositions that can correct these problems, and so give us a better understanding of the social space in which 19th-century international relations were carried on. First, we should replace the concept of 'expansion' with 'stratification', changing the terms of the enquiry from an examination of 'entry into' the society of states to an exploration of who was where in the 19th-century international social system. Secondly, we should add a more relational analysis of patterns of association to the English school's predominantly institutionalist approach to the analysis of the structure of international society. To flesh out these two proposals, the article presents a neo-Weberian framework for thinking about international social stratification and an empirical analysis of patterns of treaty-making.

(1): 1986. - 93 S. - (Wissenschaft und Frieden; 4/86); (2): 1987. - 95 S. - (Wissenschaft und Frieden; 1/87)

Der Aufsatz setzt bei der derzeitigen Hegemonie der USA gegenüber dem Nahen und Mittleren Osten an und diskutiert drei alternative Szenarien sowie deren potenzielle Implikationen für die Sicherheit der Region: Disengagement der USA mit nachfolgendem Großmacht-Vakuum; Involvement weiterer Mächte - namentlich Russland und China - im Wettbewerb mit den USA; kooperatives Engagement verschiedener Status-quo-Mächte. Der Autor kommt zu dem Schluss, dass die gegenwärtige internationale Situation der US-Hegemonie, insbesondere nach dem Irak-Krieg, am günstigsten für das Vorankommen des Friedensprozesses in der Region ist. (DÜI-Hns)