Suchergebnisse

Ma village, Vinh Kien commune, Yen Binh district, Yen Bai province has been selected to be one of Climate Smart Villages (CSVs) under the CGIAR Research Program on Climate Change, Agriculture and Food Security (CCAFS) in Southeast Asia. The village baseline survey (VBS) of Ma village, was therefore conducted as part of the baseline effort. This VBS aimed to provide baseline information at the village level about some basic indicators of natural resource utilization, organizational landscapes, and information networks for weather and agricultural information, which can be compared across sites and monitored over time. The study was conducted using the method developed and provided by CCAFS. The study's findings show that Ma Village is rich and diverse in natural resources. There are three main resources of vital importance for the local people livelihoods, namely farmland, forest and water resources. However, improper exploitation and management have caused negative impacts on these resources. As mentioned by farmers, in the past, farmland of the village used to be very fertile, but has now become severely degraded due to overexploitation and improper management. Regarding forest resources: before 1980s, natural forests existed in large areas and consisted of valuable timber and wild animals. Today, much of the forest area has been converted to production forests or to food crop production land. Water resources, including lakes, rivers and streams have been severely polluted with pollutants from processing cassava, wood and also from animal husbandry and crop production. Degradation of water, farmland and forest resources are causing increasing challenges to agricultural production and also to other human activities. Results of farmer group discussions also demonstrate that there are 34 organizations operating in the village. Most of them are governmental. Very few are private or non-governmental organizations. The number of organizations involving in food security accounts for nearly 50%, the figure for those involving food crisis is 41.6% and in natural resources management is 25%. Those organizations working in food security and food crisis focus mainly on providing support (financial, seed and agricultural inputs) to local farmers to implement some production activities. Insufficient attention and input spent for sustainable development by these 34 organizations, especially those working in the area of natural resources management, could be one of the main reasons for the degradation and erosion of natural resources. There was no activity supporting Ma Village to develop production systems which can respond well to climate change. The study findings however show that local people are very flexible and creative, especially in exploitation of information. Among media channels, television is the most popular. Nevertheless, organizations, in particular, extension networks, Farmers' Union, local authorities, etc., also have an important role in information dissemination. Exploitation of information from the internet and mobile phones has also been given attention, but mostly by young people only.

O tema accountability tem vindo a ser amplamente discutido dentro da gestão pública, na medida em que vez mais é reconhecida a necessidade de um comportamento responsável e transparente na gestão dos recursos públicos e na prestação de contas aos diferentes interessados. A accountability representa a obrigação que a organização tem de prestar contas dos resultados obtidos, em função das responsabilidades que decorrem de uma delegação de poder. A informação produzida e divulgada parece ter um papel preponderante no processo de accountability das entidades públicas, designadamente locais. Assim, é objetivo desta investigação analisar as perceções dos responsáveis políticos e técnicos da área financeira sobre, o processo de accountability das Câmaras Distritais de São Tomé e Príncipe. A metodologia adotada para a recolha dos dados foi o questionário. Os resultados obtidos permitem concluir que embora o conceito de accountability aparente ainda estar pouco presente nos profissionais financeiros das Câmaras Distritais, o mesmo é entendido e associado ao conceito de prestação de contas. Verificou-se ainda que as principais razões apontadas para a promoção da accountabilty nas Câmaras Distritais foram: necessidade de melhorar o desempenho da Câmara Distrital e contribuição para a satisfação das necessidades dos cidadãos. Já a consequência de pressões externas, nomeadamente, da comunicação social foi a razão menos apontada. Constatou-se também que a maioria das Câmaras prepara e divulga informação financeira para diferentes utilizadores sobre as atividades mais relevantes da gestão das Câmaras e sobre o montante das dívidas a terceiros de curto, médio e longo prazos. ; The accountability issue has been widely discussed within the public management, in that it is increasingly recognized the need for a responsible and transparent behavior in the management of public resources and presentation accountants to different stakeholders. Accountability is the obligation that the organization has to be accountable for the results obtained, in light of the liabilities arising from a delegation of power. The information produced and disseminated seems to have a leading role in the accountability process of public entities, including local. Thus, the objective of this investigation is to analyze the perceptions of political and official makers by financial area over the accountability process of the local authorities of Sao Tome and Principe. The methodology adopted for data collection was a questionnaire. The final sample represents all the respondents. The results showed that although the concept of apparent accountability still be present in some financial professionals of local authorities, it is understood and associated with the concept of pesentation accountants. It was also found that the main reasons identified for promoting accountabilty the local authorities were: the need to improve the performance of the local authority and contribution to meeting the needs of citizens. Already the result of external pressures, in particular, the media was less reason given. It was also found that most cameras prepares and publishes financial information for different users on the most relevant activities of the local authorities of management and from the amount of accounts receivable short and medium-long term.

ÖZETSİYASAL İLETİŞİMDE ALGILAMA YÖNETİMİ: 2014 YEREL SEÇİMLER ADALET VE KALKINMA PARTİSİ ÖRNEĞİSiyasal iletişimde algılama yönetimi, son yılların en önemli güncel konularındandır. Demokrasinin vazgeçilmez unsurlarından olan partiler, siyasal iletişimde başarı elde etmek için seçim kampanyalarıyla seçmen algılamalarını yöneterek, iktidar olma amacını gerçekleştirmek isterler. Bu sebeple partiler, günümüzde yoğun bir rekabet ortamı içindedir. Kitle iletişim araçlarını etkin kullanan partiler, profesyonel kampanyalar yaparak seçmenlerin gözünde farklılık oluşturan diğer partiler arasında tercih edilen bir parti olmak için uğraşırken seçmenlerin zihinlerinde doğru ve olumlu algılanmayı amaçlamaktadırlar. Çünkü siyasal iletişimde seçmenlerin partileri ve parti liderlerini algılama süreci önemlidir. Bu bağlamda partilerin seçmenler tarafından doğru ve olumlu algılanması, siyasal iletişim ve siyasal seçim kampanyaları sürecinde siyasal partilerin algılama yönetimine ve algılama yönetimi kurallarına ne kadar uygun hareket ettikleriyle yakından ilgilidir. Önemli olan ise seçmenlerde istenilen yönde bir algı oluşturmak ve oluşturulan bu algılamaların davranışa dönüştürülmesini sağlamaktır. Bu düşünceden yola çıkılarak hazırlanan çalışmada siyasal iletişim, seçim kampanyaları, siyasal iletişimde algılama yönetimi ve kuralları teorik olarak ele alınarak 2014 Yerel Seçimlerinde Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisinin (Ak Parti) siyasal iletişim sürecinde algılama yönetimini nasıl yaptığını ve algılama yönetiminin seçmenlerin zihinlerinde nasıl algılandığını ortaya çıkartmaya yönelik bir araştırmaya yer verilmiştir. Yapılan araştırma sonucunda tezin hipotezlerinin doğrulandığı görülmüştür.Anahtar Kelimeler: Siyasal İletişim, Algılama, Algılama Yönetimi, 2014 Yerel Seçimleri, Adalet ve Kalkınma PartisiABSTRACTPERCEPTION MANAGEMENT IN POLITICAL COMMUNICATION: INSTANCE OFJUSTICE AND DEVELOPMENT PARTY (JDP) IN 2014 LOCAL ELECTIONSPerception management in political communication is one of the most important and current subject in recent years. Parties, which have indispensable elements in democracies, tried to be achieve in power, to be successful in political communication with the managing electorate perceptions through political campaigns.Therefore, parties in current situation always in a intense competition between each other.With the use of mass media effectively, parties, through professional campaigns, tried to be different in the eyes of voters, when dealing with preferred party among other parties, they also intended tobe perceived correct and positive in the minds of voters.Because, in the political communication, it's important that parties and party leaders be perceived by voters. Hence, parties' right and positive perception by voters, is related to the political communication and political election campaigns to how much political parties comply with the perception management and the rules in the process of perception management. With the direction of the desired perception of voters is important to provide for converting existing perceptions to behavior. Hence, from this point of view, in this research, the subject of communication management, election campaigns, perception management and perception management rules in political communication handled with theoretically and then political communication in perception management of the Justice and Development Party during the 2014 Local Elections described and how efforts to uncover the structure of the political communication in the process of perception management and also perceptions in the minds of the voters of the perception management will be studied. With the result of research three hypothesis accepted. Key Words: Political Communication, Perception, Perception Management, 2014 Local Elections, Justice and Development Party (JDP)

La democracia moderna exige que el poder que influye en la constitución de la sociedad política pueda ser controlado democráticamente y que ayude a que este sistema se perpetúe como garantía de las libertades de la ciudadanía. Con el desarrollo de las técnicas en las comunicaciones, la prensa hablada y televisada, que utiliza las ondas que son recurso natural del estado, ha adquirido un rol relevante en la vida política de la comunidad. Muchas personas y partidos que nominalmente tiene derecho a participar en las elecciones y las tareas de conducción pública, se ven bloqueados en sus posibilidades de entablar esta relación con el electorado, o ven distorsionado su mensaje por parte de quienes conducen los programas o los titulares mismos de las concesiones. La democracia moderna debe de encontrar remedios para que este fenómeno no se presente, pues con ello se les quita a las personas la verdadera capacidad de elegir, erigiéndose los dueños de los medios en una especie de porteros del sistema democrático que se reservan el derecho de admisión. Este trabajo propone soluciones concretas que compatibilizando los derechos a la conducción de la concesión, impida que a la ciudadanía se le prive de conocer todas las alternativas y que a los actores políticos se les niegue el derecho a participar en el proceso con un mínimo de igualdad y revisa las respuestas que la justicia constitucional ha dado a propuestas previas enderezadas con el mismo fin en el conflicto entre la propiedad privada y la necesidad de servicio público democrático. ; Modern democracy requires the power influencing the constitution of the political society be controlled democratically and help the system to be perpetuated with due guarantees of its citizens' freedoms. With the development of communications technology, radio and television, which use bandwidth that is a natural resource belonging to the state, has acquired a relevant role in political life. People and parties that nominally have rights to participate in public elections and public service, may be blocked from establishing such a relationship with the electorate. Their message may be distorted by those running the programmes or owning the broadcasting concessions. Modern democracy must find remedies to avoid this from happening. Otherwise people's right to choose is undermined and media owners become like goalkeepers of the democratic system, able to reserve rights of admission to their own. This article proposes specific solutions so that the rights to operate a concession are made compatible with guaranteeing that citizens are not deprived of their right to be apprised of all the alternatives and that political actors are not denied the right to participate in the process with a minimum level of equality. It must review the way that constitutional justice has responded to previous proposals to ensure that the conflict between private ownership and a democratic public service is correctly addressed.

Resumen: En el estudio de las obras que expresan el pensamiento filosófico-político de Tomás Moro destaca la que será su obra fundamental, La mejor República y la isla de Utopía, publicada en el año 1516. Esta obra aborda y plantea la existencia de una organización social, política y económica ideal bajo la forma de "relato de viaje", describiendo esa sociedad que imagina situada en la isla de Utopía —que pudiera llegar a ser real, o que se piensa como real o posible— para expresar cabalmente un pensamiento de orden filosófico político, verdadera intencionalidad de la obra de Moro. Moro y su "Utopía" encarnan "un viaje" entre el hombre Medieval apegado a una concepción del poder espiritual e incluso político, en crisis; y el hombre del Renacimiento, ávido de nuevas ideas y favorable a los horizontes que abría el estudio de la antigüedad clásica. En su obra Historia de los pueblos de habla inglesa, Winston Churchill escribe acerca de la obra de Moro: "Moro tomó la defensa de todo lo que había de bueno en la concepción medieval. Él encarna ante la historia la universalidad de la Edad Media, su creencia en los valores espirituales y su sentido instintivo de la trascendencia, y un sistema que durante mucho tiempo inspiró los sueños más radiantes de la humanidad". Finalmente, es también el objeto del presente trabajo analizar la "Utopía" de Moro e identificar los principales recursos literarios y aspectos propios del "relato de viajes" desde un abordaje analítico-interpretativo-crítico. ; Abstract: best Republic and the island of Utopia, published in 1516, is Thomas More's seminal work, where the author best expresses his philosophical and political thought. The book proposes the existence of an ideal economic, social and political organization shaped as a kind of "travel writing" story, describing an imaginary society located on the island of "Utopia" —that could become real or possible—, in order to convey More's philosophical ideas. More and his "Utopia" describe a "journey" from the Medieval man, attached to a conception of spiritual and political power in crisis, towards the Renaissance man, eager for new ideas and enthusiastic for new horizons opened through studying the ancient classics. Winston Churchill, writing about More's place in the History of the English-Speaking People, observed: "More stood as the defender of all that was finest in the medieval outlook. He represents to history its universality, its belief in spiritual values and its instinctive sense of other-worldliness, but a system, which had for long furnished mankind with its brightest dreams". Finally, it is also the objective of this study to analyze More's "Utopia" and identify the main literary devices and specific aspects of the "travel writing" genre, from a critical-interpretive-analytical approach.

В статье рассматривается новый формат тесного взаимодействия между обществом и дипломатическими ведомствами, который делает современную дипломатию чрезмерно публичной, с одной стороны, и менее сдержанной с другой. В этих обстоятельствах очень важно, не упуская информационной инициативы и применяя новые современные средства коммуникации с их специфическим стилем общения, не допускать падения уровня политической культуры. Автор приводит краткую историю цифровой дипломатии и показывает ее механизм влияния на зарубежную аудиторию. Отмечается существенное усиление интернет-влияния, возможностей манипулирования общественным мнением и управления большими группами людей, в том числе в политических целях. Одним из негативных последствий бурного развития информационно-коммуникационных технологий и интернета является появление новых форм международных конфликтов, включая информационные и сетевые войны. Существование обратной связи между дипломатическими ведомствами и населением (новое явление современного информационного общества) и важная роль социальных медиа в формировании общественного мнения выдвигают определенные требования к тому, как подается информация на официальных страницах дипломатических служб в социальных сетях. Таким образом, продолжающаяся информационно-технологическая и контентная революция в средствах массовой коммуникации по ряду основных показателей усложняет взаимодействие участников международных отношений, а использование цифровых технологий в сфере дипломатической деятельности открывает новые возможности для проведения политики «мягкой силы». ; The article presents a new form of "digital diplomacy", which on the one hand, provides new opportunities for the implementation of international politics, and on the other, imposes special requirements on its members. The article examines the consequences of the growing influence of the Internet on global politics, including the possibility of large-scale public opinion manipulation. One of the negative consequences of rapid development of information and communication technologies and the Internet is the emergence of new forms of international conflicts, including information and network wars. The article presents a new form of public diplomacy, gives a brief overview of the brief history of digital diplomacy and shows its mechanism of influence on foreign audiences. It is shown that there is an inverse relation between the diplomatic and public offices (a new phenomenon of the modern information society). The author also stresses the role of social media in shaping public opinion, which puts forward specific requirements for how information is supplied on the official pages of diplomatic offices in social networks. The new format of close cooperation between the public and diplomatic agencies makes the modern diplomacy public on the one hand and less restrained on the other. In these circumstances, it is very important information without losing the initiative and applying new and modern means of communication with their particular style of communication, they cannot fall the level of political culture. Thus, the ongoing technological revolution and complicates the interactions between the participants of international relations, but the use of digital technologies in the field of diplomatic activity opens up new possibilities for "soft power" policies.

Рассматривается вопрос, стимулирует ли китайский капитал мобилизацию этничности в Приморье. Исследование фокусирует внимание на трех категориях китайских предпринимателей в Приморском крае: мелких торговцах на рынках, представителях малого бизнеса, представителях среднего и крупного бизнеса. Сделан вывод, что ни одна из социальных групп не проявляла интереса или не была в состоянии на долгосрочной основе войти в политическое или культурное пространство региона, обменять экономический капитал на повышение своего социального статуса в России. ; The article aims to answer the question if Chinese capital stimulate mobilization of ethnicity in Primorsky krai. Massive migration of Chinese entrepreneurs in 1990 2000s, their long-term residence and stable positions in economic field of Russian border regions could have provided fertile ground for converting economic resources into cultural or political ones. The research focuses on three groups of Chinese entrepreneurs in Primorsky krai: petty traders (including shuttle traders), owners of small enterprises and representatives of mediumand large-size business. The empirics of the paper are sociological materials including series of semi-structured interviews with officials, representatives of business and local mass media as well as short conversations with local residents and field observations. The author came to the conclusion that none of the three studied groups of Chinese entrepreneurs took interest to or was able to penetrate into political or cultural space of the region for quite a long time, or to exchange economic resources for higher social status in Russia. Though it would be a mistake to deny the chinesation of the region as it has become a social phenomenon created by collective imagination. Petty traders and owners of medium/large-size business haven»t strived to integrate in Russian society. Their physical migration or investment inflow into Russia was the result of desire for economic gains, but not for settling in culturally alien country. Their business activities usually were localized within limited territory as this enclaveness was an optimal strategy to minimize costs of living in alien society. Large-size business made organizational decisions that constrained mobilization of ethnicity but enabled effective involvement in host society, especially in its administrative field. Loyalty of Russian local authorities toward companies with Chinese investment and their Chinese labor was partially based on the abandonment of ethnical/confessional manifestations. Russian projects of Chinese middle/large-size companies were much more represented in the Chinese public space than in the Russian one as the companies depended on financial resources of PRC»s state sector. Representatives of small-size business who were permanent residents in Russia made attempts to consolidate Chinese businessmen in Primorsky krai but this efforts did not meet with support of the Chinese community. In the future, only this social group will be interested in mobilizing Chinese ethnicity but their efforts most likely will gain minimal success as their economic resources are scarce and the group is divided.

В статье предложены различные уровни моделей мониторинга социально-экономического развития муниципальных образований на основе формального представления жизненного цикла обработки информации. Рассмотрен инструмент определения требований, обеспечивающих эффективное функционирование системы информационно-аналитического сопровождения управления в органах власти. Предложена цветная (раскрашенная) временная сеть Петри, описывающая динамическую модель мониторинга социально-экономического развития муниципальных образований. Указаны основные области применения разработанных моделей. ; Monitoring in state and municipal government can be represented as a system of observation, data collection, analysis and forecasting of socio-economic indicators of development of the territory. The main objective of such monitoring is to provide the authorities of relevant information on the situation in the various spheres of life. Monitoring as a management tool is realized only in a certain order and relationship. Their internal contents can be opened using a formal model of decomposition of socio-economic systems in which there are the following elements: the process of activity, scope of activities, the final product, means the activities of stakeholders. Monitoring procedures are derived from the model of the life cycle of information processing. In fact, here is a question of a functional monitoring system. As a graphic representation of the process of decomposition is used IDEFO-model. Monitoring Indicators are a set of basic (object of activity) and calculated values (final product), providing an idea of the socioeconomic system and the changes in it. A specific list is formed with the objectives of the control criteria of their effectiveness and the techniques used for monitoring, assessment, analysis and forecast of the monitored object (the socio-economic development). The structural-functional model gives an idea of the organization of monitoring, data collection, processing and storage of information, not taking into account the dynamics of the process. Using the mathematical apparatus of Petri nets allows us to go to the dynamic modeling of monitoring of socio-economic development of the municipalities and the optimization of the compliance of corresponding services related to monitoring. The offered color timed Petri net describes dynamic model of monitoring of social and economic development of municipalities. Use of currently available software that simulates colored timed Petri net (e.g., Design / CPN) allows, manipulating the time components of the network and changing the quantity and color of chips in positions, to simulate various situations that arise in the process of monitoring. For example, the head of the organization responsible for conducting the monitoring, use this dynamic model to allocate human and time resources for re-perform this task, depending on the amount of information collected, the time required to process it and the type of media monitoring functions. The proposed article multidimensional model can be taken as a basis in the formulation of the problem and the development of information technology for monitoring of socio-economic development of municipal entities and may be used to construct more general models of public authorities and local government.

Советские лозунги по-особому ведут себя в публицистике различных зарегистрированных общественных движений современной России, а также в творчестве одного из видных прозаиков XX начала XXI вв. В. П. Астафьева. Выявив специфику использования агитационных политических текстов, авторы статьи проводят сравнительный анализ, позволяющий сделать выводы о роли языка как основного инструмента идеологии. Лозунги, обнаруженные в результате сплошной выборки из различных СМИ, составляют базу для формирования публицистического арсенала и атрибутики общественных движений России конца XX начала XXI вв. В перспективе предполагается создание специального словаря. Отдельное внимание уделяется авторскому отношению к политическим установкам Коммунистической партии СССР. Анализируется роль российских писателей в процессе антисоветской пропаганды и, в частности, В. П. Астафьева, который стремился низвергнуть лживые, по его мнению, представления о Великой Отечественной войне, навязанные советской идеологией. Авторы статьи приходят к выводу, что активное внедрение в сознание россиян антисоветского и антикоммунистического а по сути антирусского стереотипа опасно тем, что ведет к разрушению коллективной исторической памяти, вызывает хаос в системе мер, оценок, мешает адекватно анализировать прошлое и использовать его уроки. Современное употребление лозунгов, тематически связанных с Великой Отечественной войной, позволяет убедиться в том, что общество сейчас стремится к возрождению утраченных идеалов, к воспитанию патриотизма и гражданственности. ; Soviet slogans act in different ways in social and political essays of different social movements of contemporary Russia and in works of one of the most prominent prose-writers of the 20 th the beginning of the 21 st centuries, V.P Astafiev. Having revealed the peculiarities of propaganda political texts use, the authors carry out a comparative analysis which allows one to draw a conclusion about the role of language as the main tool of ideology. The slogans found in different media help to form journalistic store and attributes of social movements in Russia at the end of the 20 th the beginning of the 21 st centuries. In the long term, the authors are planning to compile a special dictionary. Particular attention is paid to the writer's attitude to the political guidelines of the Communist Party of the USSR. The role of Russian writers in anti-Soviet propaganda is analyzed, in particular, V. P. Astafiev's contribution, who wanted to overthrow false ideas about the Great Patriotic war, imposed by the Soviet ideology. The authors of the article came to the conclusion that active introduction of an anti-Soviet and anti-Communist which in fact is anti-Russian stereotype into consciousness of Russians is dangerous as it leads to the destruction of the historical memory, causes chaos in the system of measuring and evaluation and prevents from the appropriate analysis of the past and from learning its lessons. The contemporary use of slogans connected with the Great Patriotic war allows us to realise that nowadays society is trying to revive lost ideals, to cultivate patriotism and civism.

В статье рассматриваются вопросы влияния глобализационных процессов на экономическую безопасность национальных экономик. В общем виде выявлено влияние структурных глобализационных элементов на национальные экономики, такие как технико-производственная (снижение роли сельского хозяйства и промышленности; стремительное развитие сферы услуг; развитие новых технологий), культурная (монополизация средств массовой информации; монополизация системы образовании), социально-экономическая (формирование и развитие единого международного рынка рабочей силы; сращивание капитала ТНК с национальными и международными органами регулирования мировой экономики; монополизация национальных и международного рынков) и политическая (формирование и продвижение политики «двойных стандартов»; контроль и регулирование деятельности международных институтов; политическое превосходство; рост терроризма; монополия на оружие массового поражении), что позволило выявить негативные последствия для экономических систем на современном этапе развития, а также раскрывается содержание соответствующих угроз экономической безопасности национального хозяйства. Раскрыта главенствующая роль ТНК, обусловленная сменой приоритетов в международном пространстве, под влиянием глобализации. В современных условиях одной из ключевых особенностей глобализационного процесса можно считать стремительное развитие транснациональных корпоративных структур, вступающих в многоуровневые конкурентные отношения не только на международной арене, но и внутри отдельно взятых государств, оказывая огромное влияние на экономическую безопасность государств, а также уровень конкурентоспособности страны на мировом рынке. В соответствии с вышеизложенным, авторы делают вывод о необходимости выработки вектора развития транснациональных корпоративных структур со стороны государства и необходимости контроля их деятельности со стороны государства. ; In article authors considered questions of influence of globalization processes on economic security of national economies, revealed view influence of structural globalization elements on national economies, such as technical and production (decrease in a role of agriculture and the industry in a general; prompt development of a services sector; development of new technologies), cultural (monopolization of mass media; monopolization of system education), social and economic (formation and development of the uniform international market of labor; merging of the capital of multinational corporation with the national and international bodies of regulation of world economy; monopolization national and international markets) and political (formation and advance of policy of «double standards»; control and regulation of activity of the international institutes; political superiority; growth of terrorism; monopoly for the weapon mass defeat) that allowed to reveal negative consequences for economic systems at the present stage of development, and also the content of the corresponding threats of economic security of national economy. Authors opened the predominating role of multinational corporation caused by change of priorities in the international space under the influence of globalization. In modern conditions of one of key features of globalization process it isn't possible to consider prompt development of the transnational corporate structures entering the multilevel competitive relations only on the international scene but also in separately taken states, having huge impact on economic security of the states, and also level of competitiveness of the country in the world market. According to the above, authors drew a conclusion about need of development of a vector of development of transnational corporate structures from the state and need of control of their activity from the state.

Статья посвящена самому драматичному периоду в истории Внутренней Монголии началу Культурной революции. Политическое противостояние правительства Внутренней Монголии и центрального правительства Китая привело к свержению монгольского лидера Уланху и введению военного положения в регионе. ; The beginning of the Cultural Revolution in China was not only the most dramatic period in the history of Inner Mongolia, but it also triggered the deterioration of relations between the central government of China and the local government of Inner Mongolia. The main goal of the Cultural Revolution in Inner Mongolia was the purging of the political cadres, which directly concerned Ulanhu and his fellows. The central government was afraid of the comparative political independence of Hohhot, and the political pressure of the central government forced the local Mongolian government to take the side of the Cultural Revolution. After that step, the Mongolian leader discrediting campaign was launched in mass media; later in 1966, Ulanhu was removed from the head position of the Mongolian branch of the CPC. He was accused of national unity desolation and wrong comprehension of the Cultural Revolution. Afterward, the CPC made an order to create pro-Maoist guardsmen groups of the Cultural Revolution the Red Guards that were sent to the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region and other regions of China with the purpose of "purging the old cadres" propaganda. The pro-Maoist Red Guards faced with the resistance of not only the local administration elite but also local citizens. In Hohhot, the capital of Inner Mongolia, the Red Guards organized a lot of demonstrations trying to engage more local citizens by slogans that discredited the local Mongolian government activities. Such demonstrations were cores of tension between pro-Maoists and local citizens. One of the demonstrations led to victims among students, the Red Guards and local workers. This event forced the central government to bring the troops of the People's Liberation Army into Hohhot and to impose curfew in the city. During the curfew, tortures of assumed suspects in anti-revolution activity were conducted. Hans and Mongols were among the suspects. Moreover, the tensions between Ulanhu's fellows and the troops of the People's Liberation Army continued in Hohhot. These events were a ground for Ulanhu's arrest and removal of his fellows from the head positions in the Inner Mongolia government. After the arrest of Ulanhu, Deng Haiqing was appointed the new leader of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region who led the policy that was fully supervised by Beijing. The result of the political struggle was the establishment of revolution committees in the cities and villages of Inner Mongolia. Moreover, due to the possibility of spreading the tensions in the other areas of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, the central government made a decision to hand over some regions of Inner Mongolia to the neighboring Chinese provinces, due to which the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region lost the biggest part of its territory.

В романе М. Булгакова «Мастер и Маргарита» говорится о том, что людей испортил квартирный вопрос. Но, наверное, и в современном обществе он стоит как никогда остро, и для большинства россиян квартирный вопрос остается основным. Вопреки сложившемуся мнению о новизне ипотеки, она существует уже очень давно, со времен архонта Солона, жившего в VI в. до н.э. А вот в России первое упоминание о так называемой «закладной» датируется XIII веком. В XVIII-XIX веках при Екатерине II и Александре II ипотечное кредитование получило наиболее активное свое развитие. Однако уже в начале XX века, а именно после Октябрьской революции 1917 года, понятие «ипотека» постепенно исчезло из обихода и было признано «буржуазным явлением». Зарождение «новой» российской ипотеки началось в начале 90-х годов двадцатого столетия, но только к 2000 году наметились реальные позитивные предпосылки и тенденции её развития. Ипотека как одна из форм решения квартирного вопроса широко обсуждается как законодателем, так и обществом и средствами массовой информации. Крайне трудно найти правовой либо экономический журнал или газету, в которых бы не поднимался вопрос об ипотеке и связанных с ней многочисленных проблемах. Случается, что мнения авторов по тем или иным вопросам расходятся, но в одном они солидарны - ипотеке необходимо развитие. В статье рассмотрены актуальные вопросы кредитования населения и особенности приобретения жилья в ипотеку. ; In the Bulgakov's novel, "Master and Margarita", it is said that people are spoilt by the housing problem. But, probably, and in today's society it is more than ever, and for most Russians the housing problem remains a major issue. Contrary to popular belief about the novelty of the mortgage, it has been around for a long time, since the time of the Archon Solon, who lived in the VI BC. But in Russia, the first mention of the so-called "mortgage" is dated XIII century. In XVIII-XIX centuries under Catherine II and Alexander II mortgage loans were most actively developed. However, at the beginning of the XX century, after the October Revolution of 1917, the concept of "mortgage" gradually disappeared from everyday life and considered as a "bourgeois phenomenon". The origin of the "new" Russian mortgage started in the early 90s of the twentieth century, but only by 2000, there have been real positive conditions and trends of its development. Mortgage as a form of solution of housing problem is widely discussed by legislators, society and the media. It is difficult to find legal or economic magazine or newspaper, which had not raised the issue of mortgage and related numerous problems. It happens that the opinions of authors on various issues differ, but one thing they are in agreement it is necessary to develop the mortgage. The article deals with current issues of lending to households and features of home mortgages.

Статья посвящена обоснованию необходимости существования государственной идеологии, её национальным основам и внесению коррективов в ст. 13 Конституции РФ[92] об исключении положения об отсутствии государственной идеологии РФ. Государственная идеология имеется у каждого государства. Значимость данного феномена обусловила большое внимание к нему со стороны философов, политиков и других ученых на протяжении последних двух столетий. Существуют различные взгляды на понятие «идеология» и различные идеологические школы: либерализм, консерватизм, анархизм, социал-демократизм, социализм и др. Такое многообразие определено различными потребностями и интересами социальных групп, носителей и выразителей идеологических взглядов. Идеология - это сформулированные коренные интересы больших социальных групп (сил) общества, это система взглядов и идей, которая дает целостную трактовку общественной и государственной жизни, её смысла, направленности и перспектив, показывающая определённые способы решения общественных проблем. В идеологиях выражены отношения общностей, социальные проблемы и конфликты, цели и обобщённые программы деятельности. Ведущее звено здесь - интересы. Именно государство выражает и защищает общенациональные интересы, регулирует, как правило, с помощью правовых норм всю совокупность социально-политических, экономических, национальных и семейных отношений, способствуя тем самым стабилизации и развитию общества. Оно вправе иметь собственную (государственную, национальную или для многонационального государства национально-государственную) идеологию. Поэтому у российского государства не может не быть национально-государственной идеологии. Именно необходимость наличия национально-государственной идеологии и обосновывается в настоящей статье. ; The article is devoted to justifying the need for the existence of state ideology, its national foundations and adjustments to article 13 of the Russian Constitution to delete provisions of the absence of the state ideology of the Russian Federation. State ideology is present in each state. The importance of this phenomenon has led to much attention to it by philosophers, politicians and other scientists over the past two centuries. There are different views on the concept of "ideology" and different ideological schools: liberalism, conservatism, anarchism, social democracy, socialism, and others. This diversity is defined by different needs and interests of social groups, media and spokesmen of ideological views. Ideology is an articulation of the fundamental interests of large social groups (forces) of the society, it is a system of views and ideas, which gives a complete interpretation of social and political life, its meaning, direction and prospects of showing certain ways of solving social problems. Ideologies are expressed in attitudes of communities to social problems and conflicts, objectives and generalized program of activities. The leading link here is represented by interests. It is the state who expresses and defends the national interests, regulates, as a rule, with the help of legal norms the totality of socio-political, economic, national and family relations, thus contributing to the stabilization and development of society. It has the right to have its own (state, national or multi-national state) ideology. That is why the Russian government cannot but have a nation-state ideology. That is the need for national-state ideology that is proved in this article.

У статті розкрито сутність та ключові складові війни нового типу, «гібридної війни». Визначаються характерні риси, причини гібридної війни. Здійснюється спроба виявити прояви гібридної війни в інформаційному суспільстві, визначити її характерні властивості, пояснити феномен мережевоцентричної війни. Проаналізовано методи ведення війни в інформаційному суспільстві та вказано на засоби протистояння. В статье раскрыта сущность и ключевые составляющие войны нового типа, «гибридной войны». Определяются характерные черты, причины гибридной войны. Осуществляется попытка выявить проявления гибридной войны в информационном обществе, определить ее характерные свойства, объяснить феномен сетецентричной войны. Проанализированы методы ведения войны в информационном обществе, а также указаны средства противостояния. ; Hybrid wars are becoming the most common way to achieve goals in internal and foreign policy. Violent events which happen in Ukraine are the result of such a war: volume of information becomes less controlled and management of armed and unarmed conflicts shifted from battle field to information field. The issue elected by author is quite important and beneficial nowadays because investigation of war's structural components, its manifestations and tactics of warfare caused by information society will give an opportunity to assess fairly modern realies, not to fall under influence of detrimental techniques which are commonly applied among people of our country. There are a lot of philosophic and other works in the article which concern investigation of war's problems, especially those that are of new type such as hybrid, networkcentric, virtual or cyberwarfare. All these are different manifestations of the same objective laws connected with active actions directed to information surroundings. Traditional means of war of new society are such as creation of reality for propagandistic objectives. The main component of hybrid war is information which has an old history, now obtains new modified form and looks like network-centric war. The network-centric war is a war of new generation in which modeling and programming of processes in opponent`s state occurs through informational influence. Defined characteristic features of network-centric war to be exact war between different levels of civilized development where are used not only military methods, but legal implements of administration, democracy, culture, mass media and education which don't distinguish them from everyday life but make an effective means of manipulation. Only government which is able to secure authoritative control of information space all over the territory of war, preferences of portable military subdivisions and infrastructure of finance, soldiery and munitions delivery, has a chance to win. Transition to information society turned into total disaster for mankind, as networkcentric war caused by this society is an efficient implement of policy and its spreading means existence of one state at the cost of exclusion of another. We need to monitor not common space but informational or virtual space. All in all, hybrid war can be won only with hybrid means. With the help of effective and impetuous techniques which will be applied to one's own conditions and aims.

Цель данной статьи обосновать приоритет культуры и образования как гарант нравственного оздоровления российского общества начала XXI в. Методы. Методы анализа научно-публицистических исследований, социологических опросов и анкетирования выявили на фоне социокультурной нестабильности российского социума вполне зрелые качества гражданского самосознания молодежи, активности, добровольного служения на благо общества. Резулътаты и научная новизна. Рассмотрены проблемы, породившие низкий уровень культуры и образования подростков и молодежи в условиях современного политического строя и утраты прежних идеологических ориентиров. Отмечены дестабилизирующие факторы снижения мотивации подростков и студенческой молодежи к восприятию и усвоению культурно-образовательных идеалов. Указана деструктивная роль средств массовой информации, включая телевидение и радио, способствующих нравственной деформации подрастающего поколения и его интеллектуальному обнищанию. Подчеркивается, что субъектная позиция старшеклассников и студентов как базовый показатель развития культурно-образовательных компетенций заметно проявляется в волонтерском движении. Мотивами волонтерской деятельности являются инициатива, самостоятельность целеполагания и планирования, стремление к самореализации, умение без давления извне реализовывать свои идеи. В данном контексте значение образования охарактеризовано как воспроизводство и обогащение жизненных ценностей и идеалов человека, обеспечивающее связь времен и преемственность поколений. Собственные рассуждения автора о роли образования в жизни современного человека сопровождаются суждениями студентов по данному вопросу. Практическая значимость. Материалы статьи представляют интерес для широкого круга специалистов, занятых в сфере образования и воспитания. ; The aim of the investigation is to justify the priorities of culture and education as a guarantor of moral improvement of the Russian society at the beginning of the XXI century. Methods. Despite the socio-cultural lack of stability of the Russian social medium, quite mature qualities of the youth's civic consciousness, activity and volunteering for the good of society have been revealed on the basis of the methods of analyzing scientific and publicistic researches, surveys and questionnaire. Results and scientific novelty. The article deals with the problems that generated low level of culture and education amongst teenagers and youth under conditions of modern political regime and lack of former ideological guidelines. Destabilizing factors of the teenagers and students' motivation decrease towards perception and acquiring cultural-educational ideals are noted. The destructive role of the mass media including television and radio encouraging moral deformation of the coming generation and its intellectual immiseration is shown. It's underlined that undergraduates and students' subjective position as a basic index of cultural-educational competence development is expressed in the volunteering movement. The motives of volunteering movement are as follows initiation, independence of goal-setting and planning, self-realization aspiration, ability to put ideas into practice without external pressure. The meaning of education is characterized as reproduction and enriching of people's life values and ideals providing times connection and continuity of generations. The author's own thoughts about the role of education in the life of a modern person are accompanied by the analysis of students' attitudes and judgments on the matter. Practical significance. The research findings appeal to specialist audiences involved in the sphere of education.