This study seeks to extend the approach for an evaluation of statistics on developing countries' trade with each other by examining the statistics on intra-trade of 36 African countries and also on these countries' exports to major OECD markets. The author argues that statistics on trade between African countries are almost useless for empirical and policy studies, partly because of smuggling and false invoicing
The views of the Russian researcher A.A. Bogdanov (Malinovsky, 1873–1928) on the development patterns of systems in the system of international relations (IR) are analyzed. World-systems analysis used as an example. The potential of tectology in the theory of international relations is determined. General patterns of systems development, as well as the possibilities of their application to the analysis of the IR system, are identified. The scenarios of the development of the world order based on the identified patterns are provided. It is concluded that tectology allows the simulation of international dynamics processes and the development of adequate mechanisms for compensating imbalances.
According to some perspectives, it is difficult to imagine the collective West developing further relations with Russia beyond the regulatory and systemic – rather than the social – so long as their political systems remain divergent. At the same time, continued elements of Russian "Europeanness" raise fundamental questions about the future role and pre-eminence of liberal states – including Canada – in the contemporary international order, seeing as the Western-led liberal order appears to have failed to become synonymous with global order itself. As such, Russia remains a good case study for probing the extent to which a future world order must root itself in a monist frame in today's pluralistic world. This paper will seek to explore this question from a perspective rooted in the English School of international relations, with the aim ofderiving conclusions regarding the liberal international order's ability to maintain its hegemonic position in global international society.
The call to try civilians in military courts in 2022 reignited the debate surrounding the legitimacy of quasi-judicial tribunals, and their exercise of jurisdiction over civilians. Regarding trials of civilians in military tribunals, there have been many judgments and academic discourses. There are diverging views either endorsing or condemning this sui generis practice. The higher courts have not decided the matter conclusively. Pakistan does not subscribe to the idea of the direct effect of international treaties. Yet, like any other dualist state, many rights guaranteed in such treaties have been incorporated into its constitution. There is a stark contrast, however, between the case law interpretation of these rights and their international corresponding equivalents in the transnational regimes. The international mechanisms for the protection of rights still pose many questions on the legitimacy of civilians being tried in military courts. More confusion arises with the proliferation of contemporary idea of sustainable justice, which seems divergent and somewhat in contravention of such Pakistani state practices. This qualitative research paper juxtaposes the traditional constitutional interpretations with contestations in relevant international instruments and explores the possibility of harmonization. It lays out a futuristic proposal to predict a direction for proposed future amendments. The same would be done with the increasingly important idea of sustainable justice which directly relates to the United Nations (UN) Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 16. Moreover, as indispensable themes, the paper explores the following: whether the trial of civilians in military courts is a constitutionally sound practice. Does trying civilians in military courts infringe upon Pakistan's international obligations? And is the expediency behind these specialized courts still prevalent in the country?
The article studies the main approaches of the Japanese state to solving problems in the field of cybersecurity through developing appropriate strategies and programs, deepening international cooperation to counter the threats of cybercrime and information security. The evolution of national strategies and international agreements in the field of cybersecurity and the dynamics of the development of key approaches to information security policy are considered. Regarding the growth of the malicious use of cyberspace by international terrorists and cybercriminals for destructive purposes, the problem of combining international efforts in the fight against cyber-attacks on critical information infrastructure is of relevance. Japan has been subjected to cyber-attacks at the state level in the past but over the past decade, threats to government institutions have become more widespread and alarming. In pursuance of personal data and intellectual property protection, the Japanese state is strengthening its defense potential by expanding the capabilities of government agencies and the Self-Defense Forces. Japan's international cooperation in the field of cybersecurity is considered on the example of ASEAN, including its cooperation within the framework of the RCEP agreement, considering not only the geographical proximity with the association countries and the close economic ties with them, but also the effective interaction and extensive contacts in the field of cybersecurity as a member country of the CPTPP at the highest levels.
The author compares the RCEP and the CPTPP key approaches to the issues of cyber security and information sovereignty, identifying the main contradictions between the participants in these multilateral initiatives that unite the key players in the Asia-Pacific region, one of which is Japan.
The thesis aims at finding a theoretical framework that is able to give a comprehensive explanation of the compresence of prosocial (complying) and antisocial (deviant) behaviours within international politics. The thesis moves from an analysis of the IR literature on identity formation and its important component: the process of recognition. The first part of the thesis focuses on introducing the conception of the recognition process, its related characteristics, and the developed alternative explanations to international politics based on the conception of the recognition process. The second part of the thesis focuses on highlighting the shortcomings of the two alternative explanations of international politics based on recognition studies which are able to explain the presence of complying or deviant behaviours in the international arena but fall short in explaining their compresence. Next to this are also presented some alternative explanations that try to justify the simultaneous observation of prosocial and antisocial behaviours. The third part of the thesis introduces interesting findings from developmental peer relations studies on children and adolescents. By presenting the sociological research field and the conceptual and theoretical evolution that took place at the end of the 1990s, the author moves towards a presentation of the concepts and findings that can prove useful to IR to close the gap between theoretical conception on the recognition process and the empirical observations of interactions within the international arena. The advanced theoretical framework is checked against the case study of Italian foreign policy during the Mussolini government. Conclusions and further implications are drawn.
