Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Contents -- Preface -- Abbreviations -- Introduction -- 1 The Foundation of Perfectionism -- 1.1 Pantheism and determinism -- 1.2 Vital endeavour and the ground of virtue -- 1.3 The diagnosis of the passions -- 1.4 A this-worldly salvation -- 2 Psychotherapy and Virtue -- 2.1 'What is in my power to do' -- 2.2 Agreeing with nature -- 3 The Sociality of Virtue -- 3.1 Spinoza's critique of perfectionism -- 3.2 'Nothing is more advantageous to man than man' -- 3.3 Sociality and the diffusion of enlightenment -- 4 Stoic Political Reason -- 4.1 Cosmopolis and political duty -- 4.2 The predicament of politics -- 4.3 The apotheosis of the free man -- 5 Reason of State -- 5.1 State of nature, nature of state -- 5.2 Political right and the most natural state -- 5.3 The highest form of devotion -- 5.4 Spinoza's liberalism -- 6 The Philosopher in the State -- 6.1 Christ, the Apostles and Solomon: models of public philosophers? -- 6.2 Philosophical caution, political interest -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- H -- I -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- V -- W -- Y -- Z.

The rootless Jew, wandering disconnected from history, homeland, and nature, was often the target of early twentieth-century nationalist rhetoric aimed against modern culture. But following World War II, a number of prominent French philosophers recast this maligned figure in positive terms, and in so doing transformed postwar conceptions of politics and identity. Sarah Hammerschlag explores this figure of the Jew from its prewar usage to its resuscitation by Jean-Paul Sartre, Emmanuel Levinas, Maurice Blanchot, and Jacques Derrida. Sartre and Levinas idealized the Jew's rootlessness in order to rethink the foundations of political identity. Blanchot and Derrida, in turn, used the figure of the Jew to call into question the very nature of group identification. By chronicling this evolution in thinking, Hammerschlag ultimately reveals how the figural Jew can function as a critical mechanism that exposes the political dangers of mythic allegiance, whether couched in universalizing or particularizing terms. Both an intellectual history and a philosophical argument, The Figural Jew will set the agenda for all further consideration of Jewish identity, modern Jewish thought, and continental philosophy.

Changing temporalities and the internationalization of memory cultures / Daniel Levy -- Misremembering the Holocaust : universal symbol, nationalist icon or moral kitsch? / Ross Poole -- Memory and history from past to future : a dialogue with Dori Laub on trauma and testimony / Dori Laub and Federico Finchelstein -- Remembering yesterday to protect tomorrow : the internationalization of a new commemorative paradigm / Louis Bickford and Amy Sodaro -- The role of conversations in shaping individual and collective memory, attitudes and behavior / Jonathan Koppel and William Hirst -- Re-presenting victim and perpetrator : the role of photographs in US service members' testimony against war / Kimberly Spring -- How shall we remember Srebrenica? Will the language of law structure our memory? / Selma Leydesdorff -- Refugees from utopia : remembering, forgetting and the making of The feminist memoir project / Ann Snitow -- Happy memories under the mushroom cloud : utopia and memory in Oak Ridge, Tennessee / Lindsey A. Freeman -- Authorizing death : memory politics and states of exception in contemporary El Salvador / Gema Santamaria-Balmaceda -- Memories of war and enacting the future at Yasukuni Shrine, Japan / David P. Janes

Great Britain's decision to withdraw its forces from the Gulf was a turning point in the modern history of the Middle East. Now regional players had to find rules of common coexistence. With the US immersed in the Vietnam war and the Soviet Union pursuing a policy of caution, there was no world power waiting to succeed Britain. As a result, Gulf politics "went local". This book examines how Iran influenced efforts to reorder the Gulf's political landscape. Its central argument is that a better understanding of the new Gulf order can be achieved by emphasizing local concerns and the d

"Every gravestone in every graveyard has the potential to frame a story far more complex than the dates found upon its surface. It's common for spouses to be memorialized together as a final affirmation of the vows and commitments made in life, or for bereaved parents to be buried with children who tragically preceded them in death. Close proximity burials of seemingly unrelated figures, though certainly less common, can similarly reveal the complex tales of people who otherwise walked together in life, by choice or by chance. For example, the Confederate burial of Union Col. Robert Gould Shaw was certainly meant as a dishonor-Shaw was buried in an unmarked, low-lying coastal trench alongside the fallen African American members of the 54th Massachusetts Regiment he had commanded at Fort Wagner. After the war, however, the men's remains were recovered and reinterred-meaningfully, still together-at the newly commissioned Beaufort National Cemetery. This book explores a dozen unique examples of such side-by-side burials over the course of U.S. History. In each story, the authors begin by describing each of the protagonists' final chapters, before spooling out the tales and significance of their actual journeys to such interwoven endpoints. The evolution of funerary practices and observances in the United States is interspersed throughout, with a special focus on military honors and burials."

The prevalence of democracy is contingent upon sustainable peace and good governance, wherein individuals are granted freedom to practice their cultural and religious beliefs. In South Asia, the politicisation of religion has been a vexing issue, with dominant religious groups, both protected and non-protected, threatening democratic ideals. This paper argues that India, which is among the world's largest secular democratic states, has witnessed the emergence of fascist and authoritarian policies and manifestations under the leadership of Prime Minister Modi, allowing extremist Hindutva groups and BJP to promote Hindu nationalism at the expense of other marginalised groups. The paper also highlights that the BJP government has employed religion to manipulate and mobilise individuals against minorities, jeopardising democratic values and undermining state institutions. It concludes that if the Indian government persists in practising fascistic tenets, it will have grave repercussions for regional stability and the democratic rights of minorities at home.

Bibliography Entry
Qurban, Zara. 2023. "Religiously Motivated Politics in Democratic India Under the BJP Government." Margalla Papers 27 (1): 176-185.

Historically, environmentalism has not served the US long-term objectives and goals to advance its influence and hegemony in the world. From the Post-cold war period onwards, US politics took war interventions as a top security issue and denied the non-traditional threats such as climate change to be a part of its national security agenda. On the other hand, many countries have included the threat of climate change in their national security domain. Meanwhile, in the US, climate action has never been a central part of its national security and foreign policy objective. The first section of this paper aims to critically evaluate the US domestic policies and foreign policy from the Nixon administration to Trump's administration. It shows that the US has a promising start in addressing nontraditional threats but soon became a laggard in the subsequent years. Secondly, this paper tries to answer a very pertinent question that why does the US remain a laggard to consider environmentalism to be part of its national security agenda?

Historically, environmentalism has not served the US long-term objectives and goals to advance its influence and hegemony in the world. From the Post-cold war period onwards, US politics took war interventions as a top security issue and denied the non-traditional threats such as climate change to be a part of its national security agenda. On the other hand, many countries have included the threat of climate change in their national security domain. Meanwhile, in the US, climate action has never been a central part of its national security and foreign policy objective. The first section of this paper aims to critically evaluate the US domestic policies and foreign policy from the Nixon administration to Trump's administration. It shows that the US has a promising start in addressing nontraditional threats but soon became a laggard in the subsequent years. Secondly, this paper tries to answer a very pertinent question that why does the US remain a laggard to consider environmentalism to be part of its national security agenda?

Abstract
How is it that the European Parliament (EP), the only directly elected institution of the European Union (EU), has both empowered right-wing populist politicians in the UK and France, and helped challenge the right-wing populist governments of Hungary and Poland? Part of the response lies in institutional rules shaping the EP's elections and its authority, which this article discusses critically. The paradoxical impact of the EP on European right-wing populism leads to another question: Should the EP privilege the rights of right-wing populist and anti-system actors; or, to the contrary, should it "protect democracy against democracy"? This article draws from political theorist Chantal Mouffe's agonistic politics to assess comparatively the measures the EP majority has taken to limit the influence of right-wing populists within the chamber and beyond in EU member states. It critiques the exclusionary cordon sanitaire within, and conditionality and the "judicialization of conflicts" without, which the EP discusses passionately also.

This is the final version. Available on open access from Cambridge University Press via the DOI in this record ; Iran has one of the world's highest rates of drug addiction: estimated to be between 2 and 7 percent of the entire population. This makes the questions that this book asks all the more salient: what is the place of illegal substances in the politics of modern Iran? How have drugs affected the formation of the Iranian state and its power dynamics? And how have governmental attempts at controlling and regulating illicit drugs affected drug consumption and addiction? By answering these questions, Maziyar Ghiabi suggests that the Islamic Republic of Iran's image as an inherently conservative state is not only misplaced and inaccurate, but in part a myth. In order to dispel this myth, he skilfully combines ethnographic narratives from drug users, vivid field observations from 'under the bridge', with archival material from the pre- and post-revolutionary era, statistics on drug arrests and interviews with public officials. ; Wellcome Trust

Henri Lefebvre's project, developed over decades of research produced a corpus of work that sought to reprioritise the fundamental role of space in the experience and practice of social life. His assertion that there is 'politics of space' provides a challenge to the planning and design of the built environment by emphasising the need to understand the complex of elements involved in 'the production of space'. Lefebvre's approach and his 'cry and demand' for a 'right to the city' reflects the fundamental focus and importance he imparts to the practices, meanings and values associated with the inhabitation and use of the social spaces of everyday life. It will be argued that planning and design theory and practice should seek to address more fully and incorporate Lefebvre's spatial theory as a means to reinvigorate and regenerate the urban as a lived environment, as an oeuvre, as opportunity for inhabitation, festival and play and not merely as a functional habitat impelled by the needs of power and capital.

Henri Lefebvre's project, developed over decades of research produced a corpus of work that sought to reprioritise the fundamental role of space in the experience and practice of social life. His assertion that there is 'politics of space' provides a challenge to the planning and design of the built environment by emphasising the need to understand the complex of elements involved in 'the production of space'. Lefebvre's approach and his 'cry and demand' for a 'right to the city' reflects the fundamental focus and importance he imparts to the practices, meanings and values associated with the inhabitation and use of the social spaces of everyday life. It will be argued that planning and design theory and practice should seek to address more fully and incorporate Lefebvre's spatial theory as a means to reinvigorate and regenerate the urban as a lived environment, as an oeuvre, as opportunity for inhabitation, festival and play and not merely as a functional habitat impelled by the needs of power and capital.

Henri Lefebvre's project, developed over decades of research produced a corpus of work that sought to reprioritise the fundamental role of space in the experience and practice of social life. His assertion that there is 'politics of space' provides a challenge to the planning and design of the built environment by emphasising the need to understand the complex of elements involved in 'the production of space'. Lefebvre's approach and his 'cry and demand' for a 'right to the city' reflects the fundamental focus and importance he imparts to the practices, meanings and values associated with the inhabitation and use of the social spaces of everyday life. It will be argued that planning and design theory and practice should seek to address more fully and incorporate Lefebvre's spatial theory as a means to reinvigorate and regenerate the urban as a lived environment, as an oeuvre, as opportunity for inhabitation, festival and play and not merely as a functional habitat impelled by the needs of power and capital.

Though long regarded as an injustice in its own right, willed forgetting is currently enjoying something of a revival in politics. Concerned by the threat memory poses to both the peace and vitality of the state, critics have championed forgetting for its power to release us from ressentiment and begin anew. In this article, I take a closer look at Nietzsche's conception of willed forgetfulness, specifically as it is set out in On the Genealogy of Morals, to bring out what contemporary critics of the "surfeit of memory" seem happy to ignore: Namely, that a certain kind of cruelty, either against others or towards oneself, is the sine qua non of forgetting. Drawing on Freud as a supplement, I argue that many of the symptoms critics ascribe to the surfeit of memory—the culture of victimhood, the tyranny of guilt, the displacement of action, and the eclipse of visionary modes of imagining the future—may in actual fact be the product of forgetting.

For too long Egypt's system of government was beholden to the interests of the elite in power, aided by the massive apparatus of the security state. Breaking point came on 25 January 2011. But several years after popular revolt enthralled a global audience, the struggle for democracy and basic freedoms are far from being won. Media, Revolution, and Politics in Egypt: The Story of an Uprising examines the political and media dynamic in pre- and post-revolution Egypt and what it could mean for the country's democratic transition. We follow events through the period leading up to the 2011 revolution, eighteen days of uprising, military rule, an elected president's year in office, his ouster by the army, and the re-establishment of the military presidency. Activism has expanded freedoms of expression only to see those spaces contract with the resurrection of the police state. And with sharpening political divisions, the facts have become amorphous as ideological trends cling to their own narratives of truth.