Suchergebnisse

Language and Politics in Africa is a fine collection of both empirically and theoretically based articles from across the African continent and beyond, but all focusing on the twin issues of Language and Politics in post colonial African countries. The authors offer critical perspectives on contemporary theoretical, empirical and policy issues related to language and how such issues manifest themselves at the inevitable interface with politics in a number of African countries. Coming at a time when most African countries are still grappling with language policy and planning issues while others are increasingly having to contend with the political outcomes of linguistically and ethnically heterogeneous nation-states, the present volume is a must read for scholars and students who are interested on the twin issues of language and politics since it represents one of the first attempts at documenting how language and politics affect each other in a number of African countries. The volume is divided into two sections dealing with the politics of language and the language of politics in African countries.

State intervention in the organization of the Brazilian trade union movement dates from the 1930s. On March 19, 1931, the Ministry of Labor, Industry, and Commerce issued the first unionization law. In 1943 Getulio Vargas edited the Consolidation of Labor Laws, thus completing the organization of the Brazilian corporatist union structure. From 1943 to the present, the framework for trade unionism in Brazil has remained fundamentally unchanged. Although, in contrast to the situation in some of the Latin American military dictatorships of recent years, trade union activity is not prohibited, it can take place only within a state-controlled system that denies it freedom of organization and autonomy. (LA Persp.)

"Shocking moments in society create an extraordinary political environment that permits political and opinion changes that are unlikely during times of normal politics. Strong emotions felt by the public during catastrophes, even if experienced only vicariously through media coverage are a powerful motivator of public opinion and activism. This is particularly true when emotional reactions coincide with attributing blame to governmental agencies or officials. By examining public opinion during one extraordinary event, the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, Lonna Rae Atkeson and Cherie D. Maestas show how media information interacts with emotion in shaping a wide range of political opinions about government and political leaders. Catastrophic events bring citizens together, provide common experiences and information, and create opinions that transcend traditional political boundaries. These moments encourage citizens to reexamine their understanding of government, its leaders, and its role in a society from a less partisan perspective"--

Violence and insecurity in Latin America is a claim for the commissioning of «mano dura» policies. Despite its popularity, those policies have shown low effectiveness. In fact, they are usually the path to the breakdown of the Rule of Law and to the repression of vulnerable groups. Actually, those groups are doubly victimized by one hand because of their difficult socio-economic condition and by the other hand because of violent government action. This paper, analyses four cases, in four Latin American countries: Brazil, México, Colombia and Guatemala through the lenses of «violent pluralism» approach. The objective is to provide evidence for a theoretical approach based on the relationship between state and violence versus those approaches that consider violence as a malfunction of state. ; La situación de violencia e inseguridad en América Latina es un reclamo para la puesta en marcha de medidas de «mano dura» que, a pesar de su popularidad, no parecen tener un resultado efectivo. De hecho, suelen ser el camino para el quebrantamiento del Estado de derecho y la represión sobre sectores vulnerables, en muchos casos victimizados tanto por su situación socioeconómica como por la represión estatal. Este artículo analiza cuatro casos de cuatro países latinoamericanos: Brasil, México, Colombia y Guatemala a través de la teoría de los «pluralismos violentos». El objetivo es dotar de evidencia empírica a un abordaje teórico que se centra en la connivencia entre el Estado y la violencia más que en la violencia como un defecto de Estados democráticos desarrollados, concepto que, según este análisis, no puede aplicarse a los casos estudiados.

From the second-half of the twentieth century, a nascent Tamil cinema became increasingly influential in Tamil society and more prominent in political life. The Dravidar Kazhagam, founded by Periyar E. V. Ramasamy in 1944, morphed into the DMK and AIADMK, two dominant state political parties in Tamil Nadu. Through the medium of film, some of its leading lights, C. N. Annadurai, M. Karunanidhi, M. G. Ramachandran and Jayalalitha, cultivated cinema audiences and the voting public in the political ideologies of the Dravidian movement and subsequently became Chief Ministers of Tamil Nadu. The symbiotic relationship between politics and Tamil cinema has meant that political and social commentaries and the assertion of Tamil nationalistic ideas was commonplace in Tamil films. In recent years, Tamil cinema has become the vehicle for raising a wide range of concerns ranging from caste, class and gender and state/nation politics, marking a shift that focusses on everyday politics in the state. In this article, we present a critical survey of the role of Tamil cinema in disseminating particular realities and politics of identity that speak to an essentialised notion of Tamil cultural and linguistic identity, the concomitant disavowal of broader conceptions of Indian-ness or belonging to the Indian nation, as well as the use of cinema to address everyday politics in the State.

Chapter 1: Introduction: U.S. Cities' Agentic Role in 21st Century Memory and Monument Wars -- Chapter 2: The Fortification of New York City: Post-9/11 Memorialization and the Localization of the War on Terror -- Chapter 3: Civil Lawfare, Remembrances of Lost Causes, and Charlottesville's Confederate Monument Controversies -- Chapter 4: Montgomery, "Racial Terror" Lynching Remembrances, and Municipal Quests for American Truth and Reconciliation -- Chapter 5: The Future Roles of Remembering and Forgetting for Agentic 21st Century Cities.

An inaugural lecture given by Professor PB Harris at the University of Rhodesia on the 26 September 1968 on the travails of politics.

A review essay on books by (1) Sonia Kruks, Retrieving Experience: Subjectivity and Recognition in Feminist Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell U Press, 2001); (2) Mary G. Dietz, Turning Operations: Feminism, Arendt, and Politics (New York: Routledge, 2002); & (3) Seyla Benhabib, The Claims of Culture: Equality and Diversity in the Global Era (Princeton, NJ: Princeton U Press, 2002).

"In some ways, The All Consuming Nation is an autobiography of the babyboom generation since it highlights the consumer culture and rising environmental consciousness that has been central to that generation's lived experience. That should appeal to a wide audience of regular readers. Those who are sensitive to such current issues as wealth inequality, climate change, and the environmental consequences of mass consumerism will also find the book as a way to see how we reached our contemporary crisis points and possible ways to curb current excesses. The book alternates chapters on the evolving consumer economy with chapters on environmental critiques of mass consumerism. It considers the technologies that have fuelled consumption, strategies such as planned obsolescence that sustain consumption, and the shift in retailing from brick and mortar to on-line shopping. Environmental critics have viewed every shift in patterns of increasing consumption as ultimately unsustainable. Finally, the book should serve as text for post World War II surveys in American History, Environmental History, as well as business and marketing courses."

The urban regime in Chicago was an integral player in the determination of sports policy during the 1980s and early 1 990s. As the mediator of every major sports issue, the regime orchestrated the policy response in innovative ways. Regulatory powers were used to control night baseball in Wrigleyville, ultimately appeasing the team owners and most neighborhood residents. Economic development policies were adapted to keep the White Sox, but these were adopted with a major regulatory component and the progressive regime also wove a major social benefit into the redevelopment of the ballpark neighborhood. Although an accommodation to appease the football Bears has yet to be achieved, the regime has worked tirelessly to develop unique solutions. All of this represents a departure from the way in which the Democratic Party machine made policy for Chicago and demonstrates the effectiveness of a working progressive regime in Chicago in recent years.

With a foreword by Ilhan Omar, this breathtaking work of literary nonfiction reveals the power of solidarity for women facing the inadequacies of the US immigration system. Accidental Sisters follows five refugee women in Houston, Texas, as they navigate a program for single mothers overseen by Alia Altikrity, a former refugee from Iraq. Grounded in the words of these women--Mina from Iraq, Mendy from Sudan, Sara and Zara from Syria, and Elikya from the Democratic Republic of the Congo--this book recounts their lives in their mother countries, how they were forced to flee, and their struggles to find belonging in an epicenter of refugee resettlement. Readers join author Kimberly Meyer on a journey with each woman as they experience Alia's guiding philosophy: that small, direct, meaningful acts of mutual care are the foundation for a flourishing community. While celebrating the sanctuary the women eventually find, the book critiques the US refugee resettlement program for its insistence on rapid self-sufficiency and offers an alternative American Dream rooted in sisterhood and solidarity. Immersive and intimate, Accidental Sisters inspires hope for a way forward in the face of pandemics, political inaction, and climate change.

"This volume, by a group of recognized urban specialists, investigates the nature of suburbs and suburbanization in present-day North America. Common perception holds that the stereotypical notion of the suburb that emerged in the 1950s has been diverging from metropolitan realities. The early postwar 'sitcom suburb, ' singularly dominated by white, middle-class families in spacious and green environs with single-family homes, was short-lived and soon evolved into diversified forms in expanding and increasingly complex metropolitan configurations. We also know that many metropolitan areas have continued to expand outwards while amalgamating with cities in the region and the notion of the polycentric urban region has become widely accepted among scholars and policy makers. The concepts of edge cities and edgeless cities have been added to the lexicon. Still, the terms suburb, suburbia, suburbanism, and suburbanization have stuck, in the scholarly and professional jargon as well as in colloquial discourse - as terms they are increasingly difficult to define but the labels persist. The chapters in this book seek to clarify the meaning of suburbanization today in sixteen North American metropolitan areas, from relatively small cities to large conurbations and in different regions across the continent, including Mexico."--

Declared Defective is the anthropological history of an outcaste community and a critical reevaluation of The Nam Family, written in 1912 by Arthur Estabrook and Charles Davenport, leaders of the early twentieth-century eugenics movement. Based on their investigations of an obscure rural enclave in upstate New York, the biologists were repulsed by the poverty and behavior of the people in Nam Hollow. They claimed that their alleged indolence, feeble-mindedness, licentiousness, alcoholism, and criminality were biologically inherited. Declared Defective reveals that Nam Hollow was actually a community of marginalized, mixed-race Native Americans, the Van Guilders, adapting to scarce resources during an era of tumultuous political and economic change. Their Mohican ancestors had lost lands and been displaced from the frontiers of colonial expansion in western Massachusetts in the late eighteenth century. Estabrook and Davenport's portrait of innate degeneracy was a grotesque mischaracterization based on class prejudice and ignorance of the history and hybridic subculture of the people of Guilder Hollow. By bringing historical experience, agency, and cultural process to the forefront of analysis, Declared Defective illuminates the real lives and struggles of the Mohican Van Guilders. It also exposes the pseudoscientific zealotry and fearmongering of Progressive Era eugenics while exploring the contradictions of race and class in America

In Because of Race, Mica Pollock tackles a long-standing and fraught debate over racial inequalities in America's schools. Which denials of opportunity experienced by students of color should be remedied? Pollock exposes raw, real-time arguments over what inequalities of opportunity based on race in our schools look like today--and what, if anything, various Americans should do about it. Pollock encountered these debates while working at the U.S. Department of Education's Office for Civil Rights in 1999-2001. For more than two years, she listened to hundreds of parents, advocates, educators, and federal employees talk about the educational treatment of children and youth in specific schools and districts. People debated how children were spoken to, disciplined, and ignored in both segregated and desegregated districts, and how children were afforded or denied basic resources and opportunities to learn. Pollock discusses four rebuttals that greeted demands for everyday justice for students of color inside schools and districts. She explores how debates over daily opportunity provision exposed conflicting analyses of opportunity denial and harm worth remedying. Because of Race lays bare our habits of argument and offers concrete suggestions for arguing more successfully toward equal opportunity.