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This article considers how Margaret Jane Radin's theory of the feminist double bind can bring conceptual clarity to the difficulties feminisms face in engaging with political and legal institutions of global governance. I draw on her theory to reinitiate a conversation on ideal and nonideal theory, in order to answer the call of key proponents in international legal feminism to reevaluate methodologies in critiquing mainstream institutions. By providing an account of how to navigate the double bind, this article brings conceptual clarity to the tension between resistance and compliance that has been argued to lie at the heart of the feminist project in international law. I demonstrate how this theoretical framework can foster greater pluralist perspectives in feminist engagement of ideal theories to temper the deradicalising and conservative risk of navigating feasibility constrained nonideal strategies.

AbstractCan public diplomacy help resolve protracted international conflicts? Both rationalist and constructivist traditions identify significant domestic obstacles to international peacemaking. However, Robert Putnam's concept of "reverberation" implies that diplomats can expand their adversaries' win-sets for cooperation by engaging foreign publics. This paper analyzes a most-likely case, with archival evidence: Argentine Ambassador Oscar Camilión's unsuccessful quest for Argentine-Brazilian rapprochement in 1976–77. Although the two countries later overcame rivalry, public diplomacy contributed negligibly to this success: internal Argentine divisions created mixed messages toward Brazil, Brazilian leaders launched a competing public relations operation, and these two currents obstructed and nearly terminated Camilión's mission. This case illuminates the paradoxes of Argentine foreign policymaking under military rule and offers a cautionary tale for scholars and practitioners of public diplomacy and conflict resolution.

Die Abschwächung des Klimawandels durch die Eindämmung der weltweiten CO2-Emissionen ist zu einer globalen Herausforderung geworden. Internationale Organisationen und Zusammenschlüsse haben seit den 1980er Jahren verstärkt an Klimaschutzabkommen sowie einheitlichen Klimaschutzzielen und Instrumenten gearbeitet. Der nach wie vor hohe Ausstoß von Treibhausgasen hat die Internationale Gemeinschaft während der letzten Jahre zunehmend alarmiert. Eine besondere Schwierigkeit stellt dabei die Integration vieler Schwellen- und Entwicklungsländer dar, da hier das Spannungsfeld aus sozioökonomischer Entwicklung und Klimaschutz sehr schwer zu überwinden ist. Insbesondere die nationale Umsetzung von globalen Klimaschutzinstrumenten innerhalb von Staaten mit besonders komplexer sozialer, politischer oder wirtschaftlicher Struktur stellt dabei ein großes Problem dar. Diese Arbeit untersucht den Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation-Mechanismus (REDD+) als einen innerhalb der Klimarahmenkonvention der Vereinten Nationen (UNFCCC) ausgearbeiteten Klimaschutzmechanismus. Als Fallbeispiel wird die nationale Umsetzung des Mechanismus in Indonesien analysiert. Anhand der Politischen Ökologie werden die komplexen Akteurskonstellationen und Interessengegensätze auf mehreren Ebenen aufgedeckt. In diesem Rahmen wird das Konzept der Politischen Ökologie globaler Umweltgovernance entwickelt. So kann die Arbeit Aussagen über die Auswirkungen des REDD+-Mechanismus auf gesellschaftliche, politische und wirtschaftliche Strukturen auf nationaler und teilweise auch auf regionaler Ebene treffen. Darauf aufbauend soll die Politische Ökologie globaler Umweltgovernance Handlungsempfehlungen für die nationale und globale Umwelt- und Klimapolitik ermöglichen.

AbstractInternational financial organizations (IFOs) such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, and regional development banks, including the Asian Development Bank and the Inter‐American Development Bank, are covered in their charter provisions with immunity from judicial proceedings in national legal systems on employment matters. Over the years, IFOs have found a practical way to deal with employment disputes and conflict resolution. Administrative tribunals have been established to serve as judicial proceedings. Informal processes such as ombudsperson (also referred to as ombuds) services have been provided by IFOs. In recent years, growing emphasis has been placed on other informal processes such as mediation services. IFOs have collaborated with, and learned lessons from, other organizations including the United Nations, the International Ombudsman Association, multinational corporations and national agencies to improve the delivery of informal processes.

Much scholarship concerning human rights international nongovernmental organizations (HR-INGOs) focuses on the central role they play within transnational advocacy networks. Despite this theoretical focus on networks, there has been scant empirical attention on the characteristics of the HR-INGO network or on whether the network characteristics of a HR-INGO matter for its advocacy output. Introducing a new relational dataset on 681 HR-INGOs, this article finds that the HR-INGO network is somewhat like a public good and that the organizations who utilize it benefit in terms of their international advocacy output. Other findings focus on how the structural characteristics of organizations can influence their propensity to connect to each other and how 'free-riding' can limit the benefits organizations receive from the network. Adapted from the source document.

Recent advances in the biosciences and biotechnology erode confidence in the reliability of the Biological Weapons Convention (1972). During its review conferences (1980, 1986) concerns were expressed as to the military misuse of civil research. Although some improvements were achieved at these conferences, there still exist major deficiencies related to the definition of substances and activities to be controlled, to verification and to cooperation (transfer of technology). It is suggested that in light of the positive international climate an entirely new regime should be built. This endeavor might draw on experience acquired in environmental treaty making. An institution should be entrusted with adapting the scope of the regime (controlled substances and activities) to scientific progress, with monitoring compliance, and with organizing cooperation. Thus would be matched the rigidity of international law with the flexibility required by science and politics.