Suchergebnisse

The experiment -- A thirst for truth-telling: from the U.S. to Accra, Ghana -- Constricted religious responses -- Authentic cultural values -- Translating knowledge: between the U.S. and Salvador, Bahia, Brazil -- Vulnerability -- Precious bodies -- Time for solidarity: with South Africa -- How much time is needed? -- Defiant spirituality -- Hope as a process.

Both contemporaries and historians have focused on the high-profile 1874 Belfast Address in which John Tyndall was widely perceived as promulgating atheism. Although some historians have instead interpreted him as a pantheist or an agnostic, it is clear that any such labels do not accurately capture Tyndall's religious position throughout his life. By contrast, this paper seeks to chart Tyndall's religious journey from 1840 (when he was in his late teens) to the autumn of 1848 when he commenced his scientific studies at Marburg. Although he had been imbued with his father's stern conservative Irish Protestantism and opposition to Catholicism, as a youth he seems for a time to have been attracted to Methodism. Later, however, he questioned and rejected his father's religious views and was increasingly drawn to the more spiritual outlook of Ralph Waldo Emerson and Thomas Carlyle, along with a more radical attitude to politics.

AbstractMost of our knowledge of the Peloponnesian War comes from the text of Thucydides' History, yet IR scholars are strangely credulous when evaluating Thucydides' pronouncements. I explore what Thucydides does not tell us, and suggest that his text obscures important information regarding the outbreak of the war. Thucydides has a secular bias which leads him to discount the Spartan religious self-narrative, but by attending to this schema, in which Sparta sees itself in the role of the pious defender of moderation pitted against the corrupt Athenians, we gain a richer understanding of the chain of events that led to war. Contemporary scholars have too readily adopted Thucydides' perspective on this issue, but by assessing Thucydides' data using insights drawn from contemporary cognitive theories of narrative and image we see that misperceptions based in the conflicting Athenian and Spartan narratives played an important role in the escalation of the crisis.

Introduction -- Anglo-American Postmodernity -- Philosophy of Science -- Scientific Realism and Postmodern Philosophy -- Postmodern Antirelativism -- Postmodern Proliferation and Progress in Science -- Philosophy of Religion -- Beyond Modern Liberalism and Fundamentalism -- Philosophical Resources for Postmodern Conservative Theology -- Postmodern Philosophy of Language and Textual Relativism -- Science, Religion, and Ethics -- Theology and Postmodern Philosophy of Science -- Theology and Ethics in the Hierarchy of the Sciences -- Supervenience and the Nonreducibility of Ethics to Biology -- Postscript

This paper examines what role, if any, religion should have in Canada's public schools. The basic argument is that discussion about religion, as well as the manifestation of religious belief, should be encouraged in our schools because there are good philosophical, pragmatic and educational reasons to justify this kind of activity. At the same time, the author readily acknowledges that any discussion about, or expression of, religion must respect the values and principles embodied in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (1982). As the Supreme Court of Canada reminds us, all freedoms are subject to reasonable limits and both the rights and limits have their origins in these fundamental values and principles, which make up the Canadian polity. RELIGION, ÉDUCATION PUBLIQUE ET LA CHARTE : OÙ ALLONS NOUS MAINTENANT? RÉSUMÉ. Cet article examine quel rôle, s'il y en a un, la religion devrait avoir dans les écoles publiques canadiennes. L'argument central est que les discussions à propos de la religion, de même que la manifestation de croyances religieuses, devraient être encouragée dans nos écoles parce qu'il existe de bonnes raisons philosophique, pragmatique, et éducative pour justifier ce genre d'activités. En même temps, l'auteur reconnaît aisément que toute discussion au sujet de la religion ou l'expression de celle-ci doit suivre les principes incarnés dans la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés (1982). Comme la Cour suprême du Canada nous le rappelle, toutes les libertés sont sujettes à des limites raisonnables et les deux, droits et limites, ont leurs origines dans ces valeurs et ces principes fondamentaux qui font la politique canadienne.

The article analyzes the role of religion in socio-political processes in Europe, in the post-Soviet space, and more broadly in the Western world. The structural and functional approach, methods of sociological and political analysis of the religious factor as a political phenomenon are applied. The purpose of the study is to analyze the role of religion (mainly Christian churches) in democratic processes on the example of the EU member states and the post-Soviet space. Special attention is paid to the participation of various Christian churches in socio-political transformations, conflicts and "orange" revolutions, as well as to the opposition of religion to the ideology of modern liberal democracy from the standpoint of traditionalism (identity). It is concluded that religion has become an important marker of a global phenomenon that can be called the "fourth wave" of democratization (following the periodization of S. Huntington). If within the framework of the third wave, religion was one of the elements and at the same time objects of democratization, then since the 2000s religion is the main impulse factor of the entire process of traditionalist democratization in social, political and cultural dimensions. The civic activity of believers corrects liberal democracy, makes it more "moral," and not archaic. The merit of religion is that it has clearly defined the boundaries beyond which the democracy of the future should not be transgressed: the recognition of the right to traditional moral foundations for entire societies and states along with the usual liberal freedoms, i.e., equality of all races and peoples, the value of every person, the freedom of speech.

Argues that Soka Gakkai's political involvement stems from Tsunesaburo Makiguchi's pre-WWII call for political leaders to base their actions on a correct understanding of Buddhism. An examination of factors that contributed to the movement's rapid growth emphasizes activities aimed at achieving kosen-rufu, a humanistic Buddhist society & lasting peace. The Soka Gakkai entered local assembly politics in the mid-1950s & formed the Komeito Party in 1967 in order to separate the religious from the political body. Komeito became the third largest political party nationwide by 1969 but later lost considerable strength. The rationale behind the Soka Gakkai's decision to take part in politics is examined, along with the intricacies involved in the formation/development of the Komeito Party, & its efforts to avoid a narrow religious identity by appealing to a broader popular base. Obstacles within contemporary Japanese politics, the Soka Gakkai movement, & the Komeito are identified, & the future prospects of both the Soka Gakkai & the Komeito Party are evaluated. J. Lindroth

Argues that Soka Gakkai's political involvement stems from Tsunesaburo Makiguchi's pre-WWII call for political leaders to base their actions on a correct understanding of Buddhism. An examination of factors that contributed to the movement's rapid growth emphasizes activities aimed at achieving kosen-rufu, a humanistic Buddhist society & lasting peace. The Soka Gakkai entered local assembly politics in the mid-1950s & formed the Komeito Party in 1967 in order to separate the religious from the political body. Komeito became the third largest political party nationwide by 1969 but later lost considerable strength. The rationale behind the Soka Gakkai's decision to take part in politics is examined, along with the intricacies involved in the formation/development of the Komeito Party, & its efforts to avoid a narrow religious identity by appealing to a broader popular base. Obstacles within contemporary Japanese politics, the Soka Gakkai movement, & the Komeito are identified, & the future prospects of both the Soka Gakkai & the Komeito Party are evaluated. J. Lindroth