Suchergebnisse

Explores how radical democracy can be construed from liberal democracy, focusing on the thought of 20th-century liberal democratic theorist Kelsen. It is asserted that Kelsen saw positive law & natural law ultimately closing in on themselves & becoming essentially circular structures of argument, "ratifying in their conclusions what the outer limits of their not-further-probeable premises allow." Kelsen's natural law-positive law relationship is seen as evocative of Leo Strauss's religion-philosophy relationship, & his version of circularity, at least regarding positive law, takes on a Kantian direction. David Hume supplies Kelsen with the overt rhetoric of contrast between positive law & natural law. Noting how the moral psychology in Hume's relation between reason & the passions is suggestive of circularity, attention is given to Hobbes's nominalism & theory of truth. Hobbes & Hume offer the philosophical infrastructure for building an argument about the basic attractiveness of liberal democracy as a form of political governance, & from this, discussion returns to Kelsen's ideas with a consideration of his agnosticism, thought on the "non-contradictory unit," & critical positivism. Brief remarks are offered on the theory of truth & its relationship to politics, justice, rights, & political obligation, & some discussion is offered of Maimonides & his negative theology to ponder human action.

During the 1950s, over 300,000 African Americans from the rural South moved to Chicago, "the capital of black America," in search of a better life. A majority of these newcomers, traveling by train (Illinois Central), got their �rst glimpse of the promised land at 63rd and Dorchester in Woodlawn. Loretto Academy, an established Catholic girls' high school owned and staffed by the Ladies of Loretto, was located only a few blocks away. Not unlike many other South Side schools, the student population of Loretto Academy changed demographically during the 1950s. In August 1950, only two African Americans had enrolled; a decade later, this high school had only ten white pupils. This article examines the Loretto Sisters' response to racial change. It explores the ways in which the nuns, who always expected to teach white girls, adjusted their ministry both in the school and in the neighborhood of Woodlawn by demonstrating that their commitment to racial justice preceded the Brown v. Board of Education decision of 1954 and the participation of numerous Catholic sisters in the Selma march of 1965. More important, it analyzes the workings of race, religion, gender, and education at the local level during the early years of the modern civil rights movement.

On August 15, 1947 from the ramparts of the Red Fort in Delhi the national tricolour flag fluttered over independent India. We had made 'a tryst with des­ tiny' then.1 We celebrated the golden jubilee of that moment this year. The Independence of India and her citizens is young - only half a century compared to the long history of our culture and civilization. Our past evokes mixed feelings in us of nostalgia and nausea. Our future too makes us enthusiastic and cynical. We gaze from the same ramparts of the Red Fort and look to the horizon ahead of us. We need to make up our minds about the future of a free, sovereign, socialist, secular and democratic republic. The Indian The insight into reclaiming the symbol of the Asoka Chakra is to incorporate religion, a social institution, into the modem polity of India. He hoped that reappropriation of such a tradition would give to India a new identity as a community, culture and country. He had a dream to make liberty, equality and fraternity a reality for every citizen with the dawn of Buddhism again on the horizon of India's future.

Draws on early-1990s participant observation to examine the reinvented tradition of feminist witchcraft that developed out of the 1960s feminist critique of patriarchal religions, which were seen to have suppressed women's religious experience. In the context of the British occult subculture & high magic, it is argued that feminist witchcraft rituals offer a space for the construction of a true, stable self located in a postmodern world, ie, a self-identity located in the body, a process described as similar to the psychoanalytic search for the individual self. Witches are shown to be particularly invested in finding the personal self-hater of the structures of domination, which allows the constitution of a new, more powerful sense. It is suggested that, because the ideology of feminist witchcraft is explicitly self-centered & egalitarian, the issue of relations of domination in these groups is an important one. Further, while the stress on the interconnectedness of all people may at times serve as a powerful political catalyst for these groups, it is observed to also have a tendency to collapse differences of class, sexual orientation, race, & ethnicity. 1 Table, 1 Figure, 42 References. D. M. Smith

THIS ARTICLE IS ON SPEAKING THE LANGUAGE OF EXILE. IT STATES THAT EXILE IS IN ITSELF A FORM OF DISSIDENCE, SINCE IT INVOLVES UPROOTING ONESELF FROM A FAMILY, A COUNTRY OR A LANGUAGE. MORE IMPORTANTLY, IT IS A IRRELIGIOUS ACT THAT CUTS ALL TIES, FOR RELIGION IS NOTHING MORE THAN MEMBERSHIP OF A REAL OR SYMBOLIC COMMUNITY WHICH MAY OR MAY NOT BE TRANSCENDENTAL, BUT WHICH ALWAYS CONSTITUTES A LINK, A HOMOLOGY, AN UNDERSTANDING. THE EXILE CUTS ALL LINKS. AMBIGUITY, UNCERTAINTY, AND THE CEASELESS QUESTIONING OF IDENTITY-THESE ARE RESOURCES OF THE EXILES. THE PURPOSE OF THE ARTICLE IS TO PROVIDE AN OPPORTUNITY FOR A PUBLIC CELEBRATION OF WHAT DISSIDENT WORKS OF THOUGHT ALREADY CELEBRATE IN COUNTLESS SCATTERED LOCALES OF RESEARCH LABOR: DIFFERENCE, NOT IDENTITY; THE QUESTIONING AND TRANSGRESSIONS OF LIMITS, NOT THE ASSERTION OF BOUNDARIES AND FRAMEWORKS; A READINESS TO QUESTION HOW MEANING AND ORDER ARE IMPOSED, NOT THE SEARCH FOR MEANING AND ORDER ALREADY IN PLACE; THE UNRELENTING AND METICULOUS ANALYSIS OF THE WORKINGS OF POWER IN MODERN GLOBAL LIFE, NOT THE LONGING FOR A SOVEREIGN FIGURE THAT PROMISES DELIVERANCE FROM POWER; THE STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM, NOT A RELIGIOUS DESIRE TO PRODUCE SOME TERRITORIAL DOMICILE TO CALL HOME.

The Church and State in Poland are now passing through a period of relaxation. There are innumerable small changes that testify to this, but the most important are these:1. Declarations by representatives of the Party and the Government have stressed equalirv of opportunity for each citizen regardless of his religion. The ultimate criteria in the evaluation of a worker are to be his work outlay, his capabilitv and his knowledge, and not his relationship to the Church.2. The properties of the Catholic Church in the western territories were nationalized in 1961, and since then the Church has been in the position of tenant in that area. Now these properties have been returned. Elsewhere in Poland the Church remains the private owner of sacred objects and of small agricultural plots.3. Talks between the episcopate and the Government, long suspended, have been resumed.4. There has been some liberalization in the policy of taxation of the Church.5. The policy of granting passports has been liberalized, and a greater number of permits are now being given to priests for trips to non-Communist countries either for scholarly purposes or in connection with agencies administered bv them.

It is pointed out that the record of the Amer churches in the struggle for civil rights is, at best, ambiguous. Historically the churches have been more on the side of the status quo than on the frontiers of change & the achievement of soc justice. The occupants of the pews continue to resist change, but those who occupy the pulpits have to a considerable degree experienced a deepening commitment to, & involvement in, the struggle for soc justice. This is leading to the deepest schism in the churches since the Protestant Reformation. The efforts of clergymen to make the faith relevant to current pol'al & soc issues, eg, civil rights & the Vietnam War, must be seen in the broader context of internal upheavals over the meaning & purpose of the faith, doctrinal belief, & the exercise of authority. Lay resistance to involvement of the clergy is serious enough to raise the question of whether religion in its present instit'al forms will survive. The large majority of Amer's believe that black militants & Coll demonstrators have been treated too leniently & that the police should have more power. If the churches are to survive the 1970's, the clergy must devote much more of their energies toward changing men's hearts. Modified HA.

It is difficult to decide what is of the greatest Importance in all the vast mass of diaries, reminiscences, biographies, and other books about Tolstoi—the fantastic drama of his life, his extraordinary character, the effect of this character upon his magnificent art, or the projection of his prodigious mind on his philosophy and belief. The fact that Tolstoi himself was a living contradiction of the separateness of experiences and ideas is a sufficient reason for not attempting to isolate any one of them from all the rest. But, whether because his understanding of himself fell short of that of other human beings or because he was forced by the very power of his understanding to turn about and attend to his other task—that of understanding how to live with himself and with his fellow men—Tolstoi chose to divide his life into independent periods. The fourth and last one, in which, he said, he "hoped to die," enlarged (or, as some would have it, narrowed) his understanding until it became prophecy, or religion, or a huge moral ax which he leveled against himself and the surrounding world.

Among Catholics, there is little controversy over theological and doctrinal matters. However, the teaching au thority of the church, the magisterium, extends to the applica tion of Christian, natural-law ideas to social questions. The social encyclicals are general and their application to specific situations is within the authority of the bishops. It is here, especially, that Catholics become divided between liberals and conservatives. Ever since the establishment of the organized American church, Catholics have accepted the American sys tem of separation of religion and politics, but there has been controversy on particular matters. Catholics have favored the liberty of parochial schools and, ultimately, auxiliary benefits to the Catholic school child. Although the freedom of the artist is generally recognized, the Catholic defense of morality has ap proved more censorship of the mass media than liberals ordi narily approve. Catholics are divided in the defense and criti cism of the free market, though it would seem to be clear that most Catholic opinion does not consider the American economy in violation of the social encyclicals. Liberal Catholics are critical of the competitive system, and conservatives believe that papal teaching is in accordance with the free-market system.

Die Rückkehr ausreisepflichtiger Migrantinnen und Migranten hat einen hohen Stellenwert auf der politischen Agenda Deutschlands und der EU. Neben dem Ziel, die Rückkehrzahlen zu steigern, haben verstärkte rückkehrpolitische Bemühungen auch eine symbolische Funktion: Sie dienen dazu, die Durchsetzungskraft des Rechtsstaats zu demonstrieren, und gelten als wichtiges Mittel, das weitere Erstarken rechtsextremer Parteien zu verhindern. In der Praxis erweist es sich allerdings als schwierig, die Ausreisepflicht durchzusetzen - im europäischen Durchschnitt gelingt dies nur in etwa einem Drittel der Fälle. Als einer der zentralen Gründe hierfür wird die mangelnde Kooperationsbereitschaft der Herkunftsländer genannt. Auf europäischer Ebene finden derzeit dynamische Entwicklungen in der internen und externen Dimension statt, was die Frage der Rückkehr be­trifft. Ziel ist es, die Zusammenarbeit mit Herkunftsländern zu verbessern sowie innereuropäische Abläufe effektiver zu gestalten. Die fortwährenden Bemühungen, die Rückkehrzahlen zu erhöhen, gehen mit entwicklungs-, außen- und sicherheitspolitischen Kosten einher, die oft nicht hinreichend beachtet werden. So kann der Druck zur rückkehrpolitischen Kooperation demokratische Transitionsprozesse in Herkunftsländern gefährden oder europäische Verhandlungsmacht in anderen Bereichen schwächen. Die Studie plädiert dafür, diese Zielkonflikte systematischer als bisher in eine umfassende Kosten-Nutzen-Abwägung von Rückkehrpolitik einzu­beziehen. Auf Basis dieser Abwägung sollten europäische Regierungen pragmatisch über Alternativen zu Rückkehr nachdenken. (Autorenreferat)

Returning migrants without legal residence status to their countries of origin is high on the political agenda of Germany and the European Union. As well as seeking to increase the number of returns, policy efforts in this area also serve a symbolic function: They demonstrate that the state is upholding the rule of law and are regarded as an important means for stemming the growing popularity of political parties of the extreme right. In practice it is difficult to enforce the obligation to leave. Across Europe, governments succeed in only about one-third of cases. The lack of co­operation by countries of origin is regarded as one of the central reasons for this. The European Union is currently witnessing dynamic developments in the internal and external dimensions of return policy. The objective is to improve cooperation with countries of origin and make European processes more effective. The development, foreign policy and security costs associated with on­going efforts to increase the number of returns are often not adequately accounted for. For example pressure to cooperate on readmissions can endanger democratic transition processes in countries of origin and weaken European bargaining power in other areas. The study calls for a comprehensive cost/benefit analysis of return policy that addresses these potential trade-offs in a systematic manner - and that provides the basis for pragmatic discussions about alternatives to return. (author's abstract)

This open access book addresses how to help students find purpose in a rapidly changing world. In a probing and visionary analysis of the field of global education Fernando Reimers explains how to lead the transformation of schools and school systems in order to more effectively prepare students to address today's' most urgent challenges and to invent a better future. Offering a comprehensive and multidimensional framework for designing and implementing a global education program that combines cultural, psychological, professional, institutional and political perspectives the book integrates an extensive body of empirical literature on the practice of global education. It discusses several global citizenship curricula that have been adopted by schools and school networks, and ties them into an approach to lead school change into the uncharted territory of the future. Given its scope, the book will help teachers, school and district leaders tackle the change management needed in order to introduce global education, and more generally increase the relevancy of education. In addition, the book offers a "bridge" for more productive collaboration and communication between those who lead the process of educational change, and those who study and theorize this important work. At a time when the urgency of our shared global challenges calls for more understanding and collaboration and when the rapid transformation of societies requires that we help students develop a clear sense of relevancy and purpose, this book offers a way to pursue deep and sustainable change in instruction and school culture, so that students learn that nothing human is foreign and that they can find meaning in lives aligned with audacious purposes to make the world better.

In der vorliegenden Arbeit "Gender Diversity in der Tech-Branche" werden Ursachen für die geringe Repräsentanz von Frauen* in der Tech-Branche beleuchtet. Dazu wird zum einen auf die Entstehungsgeschichte der Branche eingegangen, die fragwürdige Persönlichkeitstests zum Rekrutieren neuer Programmierender nutzte. Zum anderen wird die aktuelle Genderverteilung innerhalb der Tech-Branche, mit Hauptaugenmerk auf Deutschland, vorgestellt. Um ein Anforderungsprofil für eine qualifizierte Informatiker*in zu erstellen und branchenspezifische Erwartungen und Stereotype zu überprüfen, wurden für eine qualitative empirische Untersuchung 21 Interviews mit angehenden Studierenden, mit Programmiererinnen* und Expert*innen der Tech-Branche geführt. Im Rahmen der Untersuchung konnte festgestellt werden, dass der Computer-Nerd-Stereotyp teilweise immer noch in der Branche vertreten ist, die angehenden Studierenden nicht ausreichend über die Inhalte der Branche Kenntnis haben und sich Frauen*, nicht zuletzt aufgrund ihrer geringen Repräsentanz, mit genderspezifischen Herausforderungen konfrontiert sehen. Zur Erhöhung des Frauen*anteils in der Tech-Branche bedarf es Maßnahmen in verschiedenen Bereichen, wie etwa Schulen, Universitäten und Wirtschaft, insbesondere aber ein gesamtgesellschaftliches Umdenken.

Der vom Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge erstellte Migrationsbericht 2016/2017 wurde am 23. Januar 2019 durch das Bundesministerium des Innern, für Bau und Heimat vorgestellt. Neben umfassenden Wanderungsdaten zu Deutschland enthält der Bericht einen europäischen Vergleich zum Migrationsgeschehen und zur Asylzuwanderung. Er behandelt das Phänomen der irregulären Migration und informiert über die Struktur und Entwicklung der Bevölkerung mit Migrationshintergrund in Deutschland.

Dieses Themenheft zielt auf einen Perspektivwechsel bezüglich der eigenen Familiengeschichte ab und rückt vielfältige Erfahrungen und Erzählungen von Schüler*innen und ihren Angehörigen in den Mittelpunkt der Betrachtung. Mit den hier versammelten Übungen und Texten werden Jugendliche zwischen 12 und 15 Jahren dazu motiviert, ihre familiale Migrationsgeschichte und Lebenswelten zu erforschen. Somit werden neue Horizonte eröffnet sowie bisher unsichtbares Wissen, verdeckte Potentiale und Kompetenzen sichtbar gemacht. Der Inhalt - Biografien und mehrheimische Lebensentwürfe - Familien und ihre Migrationsgeschichte - Grenzüberschreitende Netzwerke - Interviews und Vorwissenschaftliches Arbeiten - Stadtrundgänge und transnationale Räume. Die Zielgruppen: Dieses Themenheft richtet sich an Lehrer*innen, Schüler*innen und die interessierte Öffentlichkeit. Es ist für den Einsatz im Schulkontext sowie für die außerschulische Bildungsarbeit geeignet.