Suchergebnisse

In many ways 1979 will be seen as a watershed in South Australian political and public administrative affairs, rivalling the end of the Playford era in 1965. The Dunstan years were to be exchanged for a hard‐headed, sound economic management approach to government, according to his Labor successor, Mr Des Corcoran. However, as a result of an election called some eighteen months prematurely, a new Liberal government took office within six months of Mr Dunstan's resignation, emphasizing "small government" and a return to the "free enterprise system".

"This book reviews the historical precedents that show how we are being set up for an authoritarian take-over and calls for all citizens to work together to stop it in its tracks. US history as we know it has been twisted and distorted to throw us off the trail, so that we misread the signs that indicate the danger we are in. Every major issue has been condensed into an emotional distraction for the purpose of concealing the facts. We have a corporate stranglehold on the economy; collusion between Washington and the bankers/businesses; creeping laws that take private property away from hard-working families and individuals for the benefit of those at the top ... Are we walking right into the trap? Authority is being concentrated, our liberties are chipped away, and what little wealth we manage to scrape together is confiscated on more and more flimsy pretexts. The privately-held resource base that was supposed to be the bedrock of this country is being taken away, and the average citizen is turned into a feudal serf, a debt-slave, subservient to a central bank and the corporations it finances. The defeat of individual enterprise began with the de facto central bank of New York, and the corporations that have grown up around it. Lincoln started the War against the South to support that bank and the corporations that had grown up around it. Forty years after World War II, the checks and balances on the corporations were removed in Reagan's plan of deregulation. Twenty years after that, 9/11 provided the excuse for passing the Patriot Act, which removed the checks and balances preventing the president from placing himself in the position of absolute authority. Now, here we stand in our own present day and time on the threshold of the unthinkable, and it has materialized right before our eyes. It's time to see our history in a new light and draw new conclusions"--Provided by publisher.

Township Village Enterprises (TVEs) have essentially contributed to China's economic development and institutional transformation over the last twenty years. One of the explanations for the mechanism of TVEs' growth is the co-operative culture theory which claims that Chinese - compared with other nationalities - could better resolve free riding problems and work more efficiently under collective TVEs. In this paper, based on official documents, statistical data and results from important surveys, we analyze the historic development of property rights in TVEs. We have proved that the evolution of TVEs' property rights depended on the interaction between peasants and policy makers. In this interaction process peasants showed strong pursuit of private ownership and policy makers reacted with delay towards owner interests. Owing to the delay of political adjustments, peasants had to adopt various ownership forms for their enterprises - joint households, collective and shareholding cooperative - in order to struggle against a discriminating environment for private ownership. This institutional evolution is not a proof for the co-operative culture theory, but instead for the conventional theory of property rights because the long struggle of the peasants finally led to one clearly defined form of ownership – private property rights. We have tested our hypothesis in view of the following process: In the collective economy under the commune system, policy-makers changed the size of owner units of TVEs from big (commune) to small (production brigade or production group) and back in accordance with the importance of TVEs to the national economy. In the individual economy after the reform of land use rights, the property rights of TVEs were forced to change step by step to private property rights under the pressure of farm households striving for private ownership. The peasants instrumentalized the various vaguely defined property rights in order to avoid political risks. Due to the principal agent problem, the collective-owned TVEs went down despite political and financial support. The financial viability of private TVEs however grew in spite of their competition with collective-owned TVEs and severe political and financial discrimination. With the evolution of property rights in TVEs, at present private enterprises dominate the non farm sector in China's rural areas. These structural changes require adjustments of China's financial policy: Formerly, formal financial institutions directed their support mainly towards collective enterprises, whereas private TVEs depended on informal capital sources. In order to meet private TVEs' financial demands, the rural financial market which officially is still dominated by formal financial institutions should be replaced with a financial market consisting of legally recognized multiform-intermediaries.

This research aims to study the competition situation and to analyze the strategies of Thai small and medium enterprise under ASEAN free trade area agreement. Thai manufacturers should improve themselves rigorously; especially, in Thai automotive-part industry. This research started with the survey study which was conducted on the second and the third tier manufacturers of Thai automotive industry structure. The results show that Thailand is still increasing in growth rate of automotive-part industry under ASEAN free trade area agreement. However, most of Thai automotive-part manufacturers need to improve their competitiveness; specifically, they need to study the competitive situation, capability improvement, and innovation of competitors in automotive-part industry, and solve the problem of skilled worker scarceness. As the result from TOWS matrix analysis, it shows that the government should pursue a policy that strengthen the reliability between customer and manufacturers, and support brand building for manufacturers, Furthermore, the manufacturers should build their own cluster for product development and promote a distinct marketing policy.

In the history of local government in Poland after the WWII two periods are generally indicated. The first one refers to the years 1950-1989. During that long time interval in Poland local government was dissolved and replaced with national councils, modeled on the Soviet Union solutions. The second period started in 1989 and has lasted up to present day. It is related to restoration of democracy in Poland and also of the local government. Dissolution of the local government in Poland took place on 20th March 1950. On that day the Polish Seym adopted a resolution on territorial units of uniform public authority. Basing on the resolution the system of national councils was constructed, following the Soviet model. National councils did not have attributes allowing to recognize them as local government units. They were deprived of legal personality, own property or budget. Therefore, the role of institution providing for social needs at local level was taken over by enterprises. Such situation deformed life of local community. The concept of local homeland was excluded from use. Transformation of political and economic systems that began in Poland in 1989, and related to it reconstruction of local government, (on the basis of Act of 8th March 1990), enabled restoration of the local government after nearly fifty years of nonexistence. From the moment of reconstruction, the local government took over the responsibility for fulfilling social needs. At the same time enterprises, undergoing the process of restructuring and ownership transformations, as part of the reduction of so-called nonproductive assets, gave to the local governments, often for free, parts of assets that were connected with social activities of plants, for instance: apartments belonging to the enterprise and technical and municipal buildings (water and waste water facilities, water treatment plants and local roads). This paper, basing on selected cases, shows what tasks were carried out by enterprises that replaced local government (first part of the paper), and describes the scale of problem, referred to as enterprises "abandoning" the role meant for the local government after 1990.

During the pre‐reform era, Chinese state‐owned enterprises (SOEs) operated not only as firms, but also as mini‐welfare states, providing employees with lifetime employment, inexpensive housing, free health care, and pensions. Since China's market transition began in the late 1970s, however, SOEs have had to bear increasingly heavy burdens for welfare provisions to their employees. The steep increase in welfare spending has not only eroded the base of state revenue, but has also impeded further SOE reforms. To lighten welfare burdens upon SOEs and to remove institutional obstacles to marketization and privatization embedded in the existing welfare system, the Chinese state has imposed many welfare reforms aimed at shifting responsibilities for welfare provision from SOEs to a combination of government, enterprises, communities, and individuals. This article examines the belated welfare reforms in China's state sector and their impact upon the reform of SOEs. It finds that reform implementation has been sluggish. To achieve the policy goal of welfare reforms, high degrees of state autonomy and capacity are needed.

"Save time and money in building. marketing and promoting your businessWith huge recent shifts in the way enterprises are built, marketed, and monetized, these are "wild west" times for business. In this new landscape, entrepreneurs and small business owners actually have an edge in marketing without spinning their wheels or going broke.Smarter, Faster, Cheaper gives you an innovative, approachable new guide on how to market, promote and improve your business drawing on real world examples and offering practical advice as opposed to fluffy theory. It presents a complete roadmap for marketing and promoting your business with the latest techniques.Draws from author David Siteman Garland's extensive experiences as a successful entrepreneurBased on countless interviews with successful leaders, including conversations with entrepreneurs and owners of businesses large and smallStrategies and ideas are easy to understand, digest, and immediately put to useFrom learning when to skimp and when to splurge to mastering the art of online schmoozing, Smarter, Cheaper, Faster will save you time, money, and aggravation whether you're building your tenth business or your first"--

Throughout the developing world today the accent is upon economic growth. No reasonable man can question this emphasis while inequalities among nations, and inequalities within nations, remain so glaring. Inevitable and healthy as this may be, it raises one fundamental question, Growth for what? Growth for growth's sake? Growth for those astute enough to profit from it? Or growth as an essential concomitant of political stability and social justice for the whole community? There are other searching questions. Is democracy compatible with economic growth? Are human rights and civil liberties, free enterprise and free trade unionism, compatible with growth? Where they conflict, which comes first? or what reasonable compromise can be made?

When looking at international trade and investment, there is a quite remarkable gap between the commercial power companies gain through international bilateral and regional trade agreements (Free Trade Agreements or FTAs) and investment treaties that facilitate their access to foreign markets and the norms of these agreements which address corporate behaviours in order to align them with sustainable development objectives. For instance, there is a strong perception by the public opinion that the recent Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations, harshly criticized for lack of transparency, would favour multinational corporations and other business operators at the expenses of the protection of public interests. Recently negotiated FTAs contain dedicated chapters to social, labour and environmental protection issues, including corporate social responsibility (CSR) norms. The opening of FTAs and their investment chapters to sustainable development concerns is – or should be – a way to rebalance the level playing field in these interstate agreements by envisaging public interest standards applicable to business operators. Disagreements between the Parties regarding these provisions may be solved through implementation mechanisms where non-state actors can actively participate. Notwithstanding this shift towards the inclusion of non-trade and non-state actors consideration, the provisions of bilateral and regional FTAs remain of an intergovernmental nature and do not provide for direct obligations for corporations. Despite the lack of vertical effects and the consequent limited implications on enterprises, the presence of CSR clauses testifies the recognition of the crucial role that these actors play as potential promoters, on the one hand, but also of potential infringers, on the other hand, of human and labour rights and of environmental protection. This contribution first examines the approach and the provisions of selected bilateral and regional FTAs that are relevant for the protection of human and social rights and the environment. It then analyses one of the latest developments in this decade-long normative evolution, which are the CSR clauses included in the more recent FTAs concluded by the European Union. While these clauses, for the time being, are rather programmatic and are coupled with soft implementation mechanisms, some reflections are proposed de lege ferenda on how they could 'harden' and become more stringent.

When looking at international trade and investment, there is a quite remarkable gap between the commercial power companies gain through international bilateral and regional trade agreements (Free Trade Agreements or FTAs) and investment treaties that facilitate their access to foreign markets and the norms of these agreements which address corporate behaviours in order to align them with sustainable development objectives. For instance, there is a strong perception by the public opinion that the recent Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations, harshly criticized for lack of transparency, would favour multinational corporations and other business operators at the expenses of the protection of public interests. Recently negotiated FTAs contain dedicated chapters to social, labour and environmental protection issues, including corporate social responsibility (CSR) norms. The opening of FTAs and their investment chapters to sustainable development concerns is - or should be - a way to rebalance the level playing field in these interstate agreements by envisaging public interest standards applicable to business operators. Disagreements between the Parties regarding these provisions may be solved through implementation mechanisms where non-state actors can actively participate. Notwithstanding this shift towards the inclusion of non-trade and non-state actors consideration, the provisions of bilateral and regional FTAs remain of an intergovernmental nature and do not provide for direct obligations for corporations. Despite the lack of vertical effects and the consequent limited implications on enterprises, the presence of CSR clauses testifies the recognition of the crucial role that these actors play as potential promoters, on the one hand, but also of potential infringers, on the other hand, of human and labour rights and of environmental protection. This contribution first examines the approach and the provisions of selected bilateral and regional FTAs that are relevant for the protection of human and social rights and the environment. It then analyses one of the latest developments in this decade-long normative evolution, which are the CSR clauses included in the more recent FTAs concluded by the European Union. While these clauses, for the time being, are rather programmatic and are coupled with soft implementation mechanisms, some reflections are proposed de lege ferenda on how they could 'harden' and become more stringent.

In this paper, we examined the impact of labor loyalty and the labor market situation on the costs of companies in the region on research and development. In the work was carried out the analysis of existing articles and papers on related topics. First of all, it was our task to determine the mathematical model of the concept of loyalty of the workforce, to determine from which economic indicators it can be identified. We have identified and justified the hypothesis that the loyalty of the workforce is the ratio of the following indicators: the number of unemployed and the number of free work places. In the case of such a definition of loyalty, it was important to take the indicators for one group of workers (with the same qualification) to exclude the effects of structural unemployment. So coming to understand the factors on which the loyalty of the labor force in the region is based, we included them in our model to try to establish some relationship between the above variables and the desire of employers to invest in R & D. Based on the analyzed data and the results of testing using econometric methods, the dependence of investments in innovation and labor loyalty in the regions of Russia was proved in this paper. A direct dependence was established that indicates a decrease in loyalty to the employer increases the motivation of the last one to invest in innovation.

An examination of the varied ways, outside and inside markets, in which Asante producers obtained labor, land and capital during the transformative era. This is a study of the changing rules and relationships within which natural, human and man-made resources were mobilized for production during the development of an agricultural export economy in Asante, a major West African kingdom which became, by 1945, the biggest regional contributor to Ghana's status as the world's largest cocoa producer. The period 1807-1956 as a whole was distinguished in Asante history by relatively favorable political conditions for indigenous as well as (during colonial rule) for foreign private enterprise. It saw generally increasing external demands for products that could be produced on Asante land. This book, which fills a major gap in Asante economic history, transcends the traditional divide between studies of precolonial and of twentieth-century African history. It analyses the interaction of coercion and the market in the context of a rich but fragile natural environment, the central process being a transition from slavery and debt-bondage to hired labor and agricultural indebtedness. It contributes to the broad debate about Africa's historic combination of emerging 'capitalist' institutions and persistent 'precapitalist' ones, and tests the major theories of the political economy of institutional change. It is written accessibly for an interdisciplinary readership. Gareth Austin is a lecturer in Economic History, London School of Economics and Political Science, and Joint Editor of the 'Journal of African History'