Suchergebnisse

AbstractThe decolonization process that led to Angola's independence in November 1975 is instructive in the annals of colonial bargains for African independence. The coincidence of domestic turmoil in Portugal following the collapse of the dictatorship in April 1974 and the fragmentation of the Angolan nationalist movements created a context that precluded an orderly transition. Weak and indecisive leadership in Lisbon contributed to the crafting and implementation of the equally weak Alvor Accords. Lessons from Angola's decolonization, however, continue to inform international efforts to build effective mechanisms for implementing peace agreements.

Institutions operating beyond direct control of government, such as central banks, constitutional courts and public broadcasters, enjoy guarantees of de jure independence, but de jure independence is no guarantee of de facto independence. This is especially so for public broadcasting, where cultural variables are often assumed to be decisive. In this article, the de jure and de facto independence of thirty-six public service broadcasters world-wide are operationalized, and de jure independence is found to explain a high degree of de facto independence when account is taken of the size of the market for news. Other variables considered in previous literature -- such as bureaucratic partisanship and the polarization of the party system - are not found to be significant. Adapted from the source document.

There are a number of tall tales about how religion shapes opinions on Scotland's constitutional future. This article outlines some of the more common of these, as well as claims of a recent 'silent revolution' amongst Scotland's Catholics. These are examined through the evidence of Scottish Social Attitudes Surveys. The article concludes that the apparent associations between religious group and support for independence in fact spring from differential experiences of secularisation. Far from demonstrating shifts in religious opinion, the evidence suggests that religious belonging now has little or no relevance to attitudes towards independence.

"The road to independence, the Imperial Crisis as some term it, began with resistance to the Stamp Act, which indeed was a type of tax but not, on its face, a particularly onerous one. So the key to understanding the independence movement is to understand why the colonists reacted to the Stamp Act as vigorously as they did." ~ Robert E. Wright

The article presents the results of the scientific study "The State of the Domestic Justice System: An Inside Look at Its Self-Sufficiency and Independence". The state of the problem of self-sufficiency and independence in the sociological group of investigators is studied. The statistical criterion has been used to identify paired relationships between the questionnaire answers, and Pearson fitting criterion or the χ2 (X squared) criterion has been used to analyze qualitative data. It is concluded that the existing guarantees of self-sufficiency and independence of investigators fail to function, and subordinate relations dominate in practice. This happens due to the existing level of senior management interference in the procedural activities of subordinate employees, which complicates the process of objective consideration (investigation) of cases and the adoption of legal procedural decisions on them. Unlike investigators, most heads of investigative bodies understand the problem of self-sufficiency and independence as a contradiction to external threats. Therefore, they primarily try to neutralise them, not paying attention to the intrasystem threats, which are fundamental for investigators

THE AUTHOR REVIEWS THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND TO NAMIBIAN INDEPENDENCE AND DISCUSSES THE PRINCIPLES ON WHICH THE NEW PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY IS BEING BUILT.

Brexit has contributed to increased discussion of a second independence referendum in Scotland, so-called IndyRef2. A successful Yes vote would require negotiations between Scotland and the rest of the UK to settle distributional questions and coordinate on cross-border policies, but there are few precedents for this and little scholarly discussion as a result. This article argues that the lessons from Brexit can help us understand what negotiating secession might look like, insofar as British withdrawal from the European Union illustrates the specific dynamics associated with exiting a pluri-national and institutionally dense union under conditions of asymmetric interdependence. Drawing on recent research on the politics of exit, this article suggests the period following a successful independence referendum will be characterised by efforts to reinterpret the referendum mandate, political change within and between parties and institutions, altered preferences in London, and a highly asymmetric bargaining environment. Understanding the lessons of Brexit can aid our understanding of the dynamics of independence and help policymakers prepare in advance for the eventuality of a Yes vote.

For democracy and the rule of law to function and flourish, important actors in the justice system need sufficient independence from politicians in power to act under rule of law rather than political pressure. The court system must offer a place where government action can be reviewed, challenged, and, when necessary, limited to protect constitutional and legal bounds, safeguard internationally-recognized human rights, and prevent departures from a fair and impartial system of law enforcement and dispute resolution. Courts also should offer a place where government officials can be held accountable. People within and outside a country need faith that court decisions will be made fairly and under law. Because the Council of Europe's Group of States against Corruption ("GRECO") deems judicial independence critical to fighting corruption, GRECO makes a detailed analysis of their members' judicial system part of their member review process. This Article is a case study of the performance of Poland's mechanisms for judicial independence and accountability since 2015, a time of extreme political stress in that country. Readers will see parallels to comparable historical and current events around the world.

MANOEUVRES AND NEGOTIATIONS OVER THE INDEPENDENCE OF NAMIBIA HAVE NOW BEEN GOING ON FOR LONGER THAN IN THE CASE OF ANY OTHER AFRICAN COUNTRY. IT HAS BEEN NEARLY 17 YEARS SINCE THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY REVOKED THE POST-WORLD WAR I MANDATE OF SOUTH AFRICA OVER THE TERRITORY FORMERLY KNOWN AS SOUTH WEST AFRICA AND BEGAN A U.N. SPONSORED PROCESS TO ATTAIN INDEPENDENCE FOR ITS PEOPLE. IN THAT SAME YEAR THE NAMIBIAN PARTY OF LIBERATION, THE SOUTH WEST AFRICA PEOPLE'S ORGANISATION (SWAPO), DECIDING THAT PEACEFUL PROCESSES ALONE COULD NOT WIN NATIONAL FREEDOM, LAUNCHED ITS PROLONGED GUERRILLA ARMED STRUGGLE TO THROW OFF SOUTH AFRICAN RULE.

We show that any social choice function that always selects envy-free Pareto efficient allocations must violate Arrow's condition of independence of irrelevant alternatives.

Reconsidering judicial independence -- The meaning of judicial independence : theoretical dimensions -- Theory and evidence -- Comparative dimensions.