Suchergebnisse

Problem setting. Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) on the peculiarities of the development of state-building processes, transformations of political regimes in its individual countries, manifestations of tendencies to combine heterogeneous factors of endogenous and exogenous nature in the dynamics of change and interaction of institutional, social or economic factors and geopolitical changes. interests, continues to be the focus of scientific attention of specialists in various fields of knowledge. LAC - a region in which, perhaps, the most amplitude in terms of content parameters, quantitative indicators. «markers» appear in relation to their perspective significance and the degree of further actualization of the manifestation of «fluid modernity» (Z. Bauman), at its various levels and in the contexts of conceptual shifts of political and legal significance. Against the background of the general theoretical basis of institutionalism in its versions of neo­institutionalism, historical institutionalism, or other methodological approaches with their special attention to the importance of constitutional formatting of the sum of social relations, innovation and experiments in the region on constitutional creativity show a wide range of research. In connection with the divergent development of constitutional law in the LAC countries in recent decades, according to the director of the Institute of Comparative Constitutional Law. Max Planck, Armin von Bogdandi; Latin America is a region where the question of the future of constitutionalism is being discussed». There are also manifestations of a special historical subtext in the region: its countries have long been involved in various geopolitical confrontations, including those with a pronounced ideological coloration, and traditionalist collectivist values are sometimes paradoxically combined with liberal-democratic individualism. Unfortunately, the region is a clear example not only of significant changes in improving the quality of socio-political life, the introduction of positive institutional solutions and the adoption of new standards of economic existence - it still today, with significant differences across countries, remains the most brutal and repressive in the world. Against this heterogeneous background, in our opinion, some aspects of the successful experience of building the national-state life of the Republic of Costa Rica (Spanish: Republica de Costa Rica) deserve research interest.Recent research and publications analysis. In the article, in connection with the subject multidimensionality of the topic, an interdisciplinary scientific approach was used, which, in turn, led to the involvement of general scientific research methods and special theoretical and methodological developments ofrepresentatives ofvarious fields ofscientific knowledge. Regarding the foundations, tendencies andfeatures ofconstitutional creativity, a significant role was played by fundamental research and scientific experience ofdomestic constitutional scholars, M. P. Orzikh, V. P. Kolisnyk, Yu. G. Barabash, N. V. Mishina, M. V. Savchina, theorists of state and law I. V. Protsyuk, D. V. Lukyanov, L. I. Kormich, M. V. Serebro. Regarding the formation of the fields of modern conflict, their representation in social reality and in the contexts of the idea of development and institutionalization ofstrategies, used multifaceted research material ofscientific developments of representatives ofpolitical science and sociology L. M. Herasina, M. P. Trebin, I. D. Denisenko, M. A. Polevoy, V. Yu. Karasev, G. M. Kuts, O. I. Tkach, and foreign authors representing a wide range of research both purely humanitarian and political and legal in nature - Z. Bauman, Ul. Beck, R. Gargarella, M. Mann, G. Negretto, H. Montero, Z. V. Ivanovsky, T. O. Vorotnikova, P. Blocker, E. S. Cortes, others. Materials and statistical data of separate international funds and research institutions, official sites of the state of the Republic of Costa Rica are used in the work. the country's media.Paper objective. The purpose of this work is to establish the nature and essence of transformation processes in the Republic of Costa Rica, to find out the substantive basis of the country's development strategy. The task is to identify and analyze certain parametersof state-building transformations in separate projections of constitutional and legal activity, its institutional representation in political processes and public life, to single out key ideas, mechanisms and directions of their implementation on building a successful national-state project «clean life, happy country» in the present and in relation to the vision of future prospects.Paper main body. Regarding the peculiarities of the legal regulation of the way of life in the Republic of Costa Rica and, above all, the characteristics of the constitutional process, we note that against the background of other countries in the region, it has not resorted to constitutional replacement since the mid-20th century. the day is in force the Basic Law of1949 - Constitucion Politica De la Republica De Costa Rica. Regarding its main connotations, we can only note that a certain liberal-democratic content is paradoxically combined with ideological and instrumental openness and readiness to reproduce public demands and non-liberal nature of the socially protected way of life of all segments of the population, which leaves room for current political and legal «maneuvers» in the legal field set by the Constitution and allows to adjust the strategic dimensions of the political process in the direction of «connection» of broad social programs. led by representatives of local elites who are especially responsible for the implementation of the national-state project, who, in the end, agreed on a vision of the strategic principles of development of the Republic of Costa Rica. Thus began the implementation of a unique project - «clean life» (and «happy country» - Spanish: Pura vida, pais feliz). The country has long emphasized the development of education, health care, housing. In our opinion, the significant difference in the whole meaningful vector of the country's development is manifested, first of all, in the long-term consolidated position of local elites on the vision of the future, understanding of the strategy of re-creation.Conclusions of the research. The main factors ofsuccess in the strategy ofdevelopment of the Republic of Costa Rica: for a long time coordinated and strategically adjusted in the defined basic parameters of constitutional lawmaking and public consent work of a particularly socially responsible group, which in this case can be described as a strategic elite for the national-state project of common good, creation of social comfort zones, environmental security, confidence in the future and further joint social measures to form a general social solidarity around the national project - clean life, happy country - subject to the assertion ofprocedural respectfor the mechanisms of mutual communication along the line of social demand, processing, output (D. Easton's theory), in a democracy and on the basis of following constitutional and legal norms. ; В статье предпринята попытка установить природу и сущность трансформационных процессов в Республике Коста-Рика, выяснить содержатель­ную основу стратегии развития страны. Выявлены и проанализированы отдельные параметры государственно преобразующих мер в отдельных проекциях конститу­ционно-правовой деятельности, ее институционального представления в полити­ческих процессах и общественной жизни. Выделены ключевые идеи, механизмы и направления их реализации по развитию успешного национально-государственно­го проекта «чистая жизнь, счастливая страна» в современности и в отношении видения перспектив Подчеркнуто значимость длительное время согласованной и стратегически выверенной, в определенных основными параметрами конститу­ционного правотворчества и общественного согласия работы, особенно социально ответственной группы, которая в данном случае может быть обозначена в каче­стве стратегической элиты, в условиях утверждения процессуального уважения к механизмам взаимной общественно-государственной связи по линии социальный запрос, обработка, выход (теория Д. Истона), в условиях демократии и на основе следования конституционно-правовым нормам. ; В статті здійснена спроба встановити природу і сутність трансформаційних процесів в Республіці Коста-Ріка, з'ясувати змістовну основу стратегії розвитку країни. Виявлено та проаналізовано окремі параметри державотворчих трансфор­мацій в окремих проекціях конституційно-правової діяльності, її інституційного представлення в політичних процесах і суспільному житті. Виокремленні ключові ідеї, механізми і напрямки їх реалізації щодо розбудови успішного національно-дер­жавницького проекту «чисте життя, щаслива країна» в сучасності і стосовно бачення перспектив Підкреслено значущість тривалий час узгодженої й страте­гічно вивіреної, у визначених основними параметрами конституційної правотвор- чості і суспільної згоди роботи особливо соціально відповідальної групи, що у дано­му випадку може бути позначена у якості стратегічної еліти, за умов стверджен­ня процесуальної поваги до механізмів взаємного суспільно-державного зв'язку за лінією соціальний запит, обробка, вихід (теорія Д. Істона), в умовах демократії і на основі слідування конституційно-правовим нормам.

Problem setting. Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) on the peculiarities of the development of state-building processes, transformations of political regimes in its individual countries, manifestations of tendencies to combine heterogeneous factors of endogenous and exogenous nature in the dynamics of change and interaction of institutional, social or economic factors and geopolitical changes. interests, continues to be the focus of scientific attention of specialists in various fields of knowledge. LAC - a region in which, perhaps, the most amplitude in terms of content parameters, quantitative indicators. «markers» appear in relation to their perspective significance and the degree of further actualization of the manifestation of «fluid modernity» (Z. Bauman), at its various levels and in the contexts of conceptual shifts of political and legal significance. Against the background of the general theoretical basis of institutionalism in its versions of neo­institutionalism, historical institutionalism, or other methodological approaches with their special attention to the importance of constitutional formatting of the sum of social relations, innovation and experiments in the region on constitutional creativity show a wide range of research. In connection with the divergent development of constitutional law in the LAC countries in recent decades, according to the director of the Institute of Comparative Constitutional Law. Max Planck, Armin von Bogdandi; Latin America is a region where the question of the future of constitutionalism is being discussed». There are also manifestations of a special historical subtext in the region: its countries have long been involved in various geopolitical confrontations, including those with a pronounced ideological coloration, and traditionalist collectivist values are sometimes paradoxically combined with liberal-democratic individualism. Unfortunately, the region is a clear example not only of significant changes in improving the quality of socio-political life, the introduction of positive institutional solutions and the adoption of new standards of economic existence - it still today, with significant differences across countries, remains the most brutal and repressive in the world. Against this heterogeneous background, in our opinion, some aspects of the successful experience of building the national-state life of the Republic of Costa Rica (Spanish: Republica de Costa Rica) deserve research interest.Recent research and publications analysis. In the article, in connection with the subject multidimensionality of the topic, an interdisciplinary scientific approach was used, which, in turn, led to the involvement of general scientific research methods and special theoretical and methodological developments ofrepresentatives ofvarious fields ofscientific knowledge. Regarding the foundations, tendencies andfeatures ofconstitutional creativity, a significant role was played by fundamental research and scientific experience ofdomestic constitutional scholars, M. P. Orzikh, V. P. Kolisnyk, Yu. G. Barabash, N. V. Mishina, M. V. Savchina, theorists of state and law I. V. Protsyuk, D. V. Lukyanov, L. I. Kormich, M. V. Serebro. Regarding the formation of the fields of modern conflict, their representation in social reality and in the contexts of the idea of development and institutionalization ofstrategies, used multifaceted research material ofscientific developments of representatives ofpolitical science and sociology L. M. Herasina, M. P. Trebin, I. D. Denisenko, M. A. Polevoy, V. Yu. Karasev, G. M. Kuts, O. I. Tkach, and foreign authors representing a wide range of research both purely humanitarian and political and legal in nature - Z. Bauman, Ul. Beck, R. Gargarella, M. Mann, G. Negretto, H. Montero, Z. V. Ivanovsky, T. O. Vorotnikova, P. Blocker, E. S. Cortes, others. Materials and statistical data of separate international funds and research institutions, official sites of the state of the Republic of Costa Rica are used in the work. the country's media.Paper objective. The purpose of this work is to establish the nature and essence of transformation processes in the Republic of Costa Rica, to find out the substantive basis of the country's development strategy. The task is to identify and analyze certain parametersof state-building transformations in separate projections of constitutional and legal activity, its institutional representation in political processes and public life, to single out key ideas, mechanisms and directions of their implementation on building a successful national-state project «clean life, happy country» in the present and in relation to the vision of future prospects.Paper main body. Regarding the peculiarities of the legal regulation of the way of life in the Republic of Costa Rica and, above all, the characteristics of the constitutional process, we note that against the background of other countries in the region, it has not resorted to constitutional replacement since the mid-20th century. the day is in force the Basic Law of1949 - Constitucion Politica De la Republica De Costa Rica. Regarding its main connotations, we can only note that a certain liberal-democratic content is paradoxically combined with ideological and instrumental openness and readiness to reproduce public demands and non-liberal nature of the socially protected way of life of all segments of the population, which leaves room for current political and legal «maneuvers» in the legal field set by the Constitution and allows to adjust the strategic dimensions of the political process in the direction of «connection» of broad social programs. led by representatives of local elites who are especially responsible for the implementation of the national-state project, who, in the end, agreed on a vision of the strategic principles of development of the Republic of Costa Rica. Thus began the implementation of a unique project - «clean life» (and «happy country» - Spanish: Pura vida, pais feliz). The country has long emphasized the development of education, health care, housing. In our opinion, the significant difference in the whole meaningful vector of the country's development is manifested, first of all, in the long-term consolidated position of local elites on the vision of the future, understanding of the strategy of re-creation.Conclusions of the research. The main factors ofsuccess in the strategy ofdevelopment of the Republic of Costa Rica: for a long time coordinated and strategically adjusted in the defined basic parameters of constitutional lawmaking and public consent work of a particularly socially responsible group, which in this case can be described as a strategic elite for the national-state project of common good, creation of social comfort zones, environmental security, confidence in the future and further joint social measures to form a general social solidarity around the national project - clean life, happy country - subject to the assertion ofprocedural respectfor the mechanisms of mutual communication along the line of social demand, processing, output (D. Easton's theory), in a democracy and on the basis of following constitutional and legal norms. ; В статье предпринята попытка установить природу и сущность трансформационных процессов в Республике Коста-Рика, выяснить содержатель­ную основу стратегии развития страны. Выявлены и проанализированы отдельные параметры государственно преобразующих мер в отдельных проекциях конститу­ционно-правовой деятельности, ее институционального представления в полити­ческих процессах и общественной жизни. Выделены ключевые идеи, механизмы и направления их реализации по развитию успешного национально-государственно­го проекта «чистая жизнь, счастливая страна» в современности и в отношении видения перспектив Подчеркнуто значимость длительное время согласованной и стратегически выверенной, в определенных основными параметрами конститу­ционного правотворчества и общественного согласия работы, особенно социально ответственной группы, которая в данном случае может быть обозначена в каче­стве стратегической элиты, в условиях утверждения процессуального уважения к механизмам взаимной общественно-государственной связи по линии социальный запрос, обработка, выход (теория Д. Истона), в условиях демократии и на основе следования конституционно-правовым нормам. ; В статті здійснена спроба встановити природу і сутність трансформаційних процесів в Республіці Коста-Ріка, з'ясувати змістовну основу стратегії розвитку країни. Виявлено та проаналізовано окремі параметри державотворчих трансфор­мацій в окремих проекціях конституційно-правової діяльності, її інституційного представлення в політичних процесах і суспільному житті. Виокремленні ключові ідеї, механізми і напрямки їх реалізації щодо розбудови успішного національно-дер­жавницького проекту «чисте життя, щаслива країна» в сучасності і стосовно бачення перспектив Підкреслено значущість тривалий час узгодженої й страте­гічно вивіреної, у визначених основними параметрами конституційної правотвор- чості і суспільної згоди роботи особливо соціально відповідальної групи, що у дано­му випадку може бути позначена у якості стратегічної еліти, за умов стверджен­ня процесуальної поваги до механізмів взаємного суспільно-державного зв'язку за лінією соціальний запит, обробка, вихід (теорія Д. Істона), в умовах демократії і на основі слідування конституційно-правовим нормам.

¿Cuál ha sido el aporte de la economía al estudio de la historia? ¿En qué medida la mera recopilación de estadísticas y series en el tiempo supone en sí mismo un mejor análisis de una causalidad? ¿Está necesariamente mejor documentado un fenómeno histórico si en la explicación se utilizan indicadores comparados?La aparición de la cliometría o nueva historia económica en la década del 60´supuso en parte un intento de responder afirmativamente estos interrogantes. Sin embargo, en el camino se produjo una lógica tensión entre las disciplinas de la economía y de la historia.Un clásico libro introductorio fue compilado por Peter Temin en 1973. "New Economic history, Selected Readings" (Harmondsworth, England). Allí, Temin introduce la cuestión: "When economics was taking shape as an academic discipline in the late nineteenth century, two approaches to the study of economics affairs struggled for dominance. Classical economics traced its intelectual lineage back to english radical thought and utilized deductive reasoning to derive generalizations about the world from abstract propositions. Historical economics, as the competing approach was called, had its origins in Germany and was based on the principle of induction: the study of specific historical cases was supposed to generate laws of economic behaviour. The struggle was short, and the victory, decisive. Economics as we know it is the grandchild of classical economics. The progeny of historical economics are labelled economics history, social history and sociology- studied sometimes in academic departments of these names and sometimes not. The new economic history (known also as econometric history or Cliometrics) differs from the old by being a member of the classical economics family, not the historical economics clan" (1).¿Cuáles eran las áreas centrales de estudio en el inicio de la cliometría? Para Temin, eran tres: 1) Economic growth; 2) Economic Institutions y 3) Government Policies. En palabras del autor: "The subject matter of the new economic history can be grouped into 3 broad categories. 1) Economic growth. Like other economists, economic historians have been concerned over the last decade with the ´problem´of economic growth. And like recent work on this topic by theorists and students of current affairs, recent work in economic history has served to show how little we know. We have accumulated an impressive amount of monographic work on American economic growth, but we have not yet been able to gather these details together into a convincing picture of the process as a whole. In fact, much of the work of the new economic history can be seen as a refutation of previous generalizations about growth" (2).Siguiendo esta línea de razonamiento y recurriendo a un ejemplo mencionado por Temin, la cliometría ha ayudado a revelar que el alto nivel de vida de la sociedad americana antedataba el comienzo del proceso de industrialización. Así, para Temin y otros no es correcto hablar de un país (Estados Unidos) subdesarrollado en la década de 1840 y, consecuentemente, no es riguroso hablar de un take-off o despegue posterior. En este ejemplo podemos ver la relevancia del análisis introducido en la década del 60 y 70: cuando recurrimos a las estadísticas comparadas el análisis posterior puede devenir mas riguroso. En el ejemplo mencionado, comparar indicadores nos posibilita comprender que no era el proceso de industrialización lo que generó el alto nivel de vida para la época sino, en cambio, que era el alto nivel de vida lo que generó las condiciones de ahorro e inversión para alcanzar un proceso de industrialización. A su vez, este nuevo razonamiento tiene inconvenientes ya que, por ejemplo, el posterior desarrollo de nuevas técnicas de comparación han podido echar dudas sobre el verdadero nivel de vida de la sociedad americana a comienzos del siglo XIX. Sin embargo, es posible ver aquí la validez principal de la cliometría y de la técnica de la ciencia económica utilizada en el estudio de acontecimientos históricos: en un principio, nos ha servido para poner en tela de juicio creencias asumidas como verdaderas, que en su momento descansaban en una causalidad que parecía intuitiva, con mucho sentido común. En el ejemplo mencionado, es intuitivo asumir que una sociedad pobre deviene mas rica o próspera a partir de un proceso de industrialización que genera que una economía tradicional, basada en la explotación primaria, introduzca mayor eficiencia a partir de la aparición de maquinas o nuevas técnicas. En cambio, parece menos intuitivo pensar que ha sido un crecimiento en el nivel de vida lo que permitió un nivel mas alto de ahorro que, a su turno, repercutió en mayor inversión, teniendo como consecuencia la aparición de distintos tipos de innovaciones.El punto central aquí es remarcar que la aparición de la cliometría no buscaba refutar argumentos y cerrar debates sino que, por el contrario, se dedicaba a abrir nuevos áreas de investigación. Es decir, no cerraba discusiones sino que abría nuevas perspectivas. Así, como programa de investigación la cliometría poseía las características de un nuevo paradigma que, como tal, tenía entre sus condiciones principales desafiar los paradigmas dominantes basándose no en nuevas e irrefutables verdades sino en nuevas preguntas que introducían dudas en las comunidades científicas dominantes.El segundo área que marca Temin es "Economic institutions". El autor la define de la siguiente manera: "Although old and new economic historians examine the nature of institutions, the questions they pose are very different. The old economic historian or institutionalist tend to analyse the internal working of an institution. How was it organized? Who ran it? How did it change? The new economic historian, building on the work of the old, tends to ask about the effect of institutions on the rest of the economy…two institutions have received the most attention. Slavery, ´the peculiar institution´, fascinates any student of american history for myriad reasons…banking has received almost as much attention as slavery, at least partly as a result of the resurgence of interest in money among economists generally" (3).La aparición de instrumentos econométricos ha hecho posible profundizar el análisis de una situación determinada. Es decir, la existencia de instrumentos mas rigurosos para el estudio ha generado un círculo virtuoso con la especialización que ha habido en las distintas disciplinas científicas a lo largo del siglo XX, particularmente en la segunda mitad. Es posible focalizarse en el estudio de la esclavitud o del sistema bancario en los EE.UU. porque se han desarrollado los instrumentos analíticos y cuantitativos que permiten (y obligan) al investigador a ocuparse de ese tema en ese período. El círculo virtuoso eventualmente puede devenir vicioso porque, en ese escenario, el investigador sólo deberá ocuparse de un sólo tema ya que, si intentara abarcar distintos espacios científicos, correrá el riesgo de "no saber todo" lo que hay que saber sobre un tema específico. En parte, el investigador necesita todo su tiempo enfocado en un tema específico porque el propio desarrollo de los instrumentos científicos, como la econometría, genera la posibilidad de acceder a información cuantiosa, antes inexistente. Así, la aparición de la cliometría ha supuesto no solo la posibilidad de especializarse en un espacio temporal y analítico claramente delimitado. En parte, también ha supuesto la obligación de hacerlo para pertenecer a la comunidad académica dominante. Es posible pensar que la especialización supone en si mismo un paradigma dominanteEl tercer área de interés de la nueva historia económica ha sido "Government policies". Para el autor, "All of the new economic history, like all of economics, may be considered to be policy-oriented in some ultimate sense. Much of the work in economic history, however, is more inmediately related to the assessment of government policies. Banking laws and reforms, government promotion of canals and railroads, the tariff, federal land policy and other policies have all been studied. The influence of government has been found pervasive and on balance probably favorable for growth. The effects of these policies on the distribution of income have not been studied as much as their impact on total income, partly for lack of data, and our knowledge of their impact is therefore not yet complete" (4).Es claro que recurrir a estadísticas comparadas no supone en sí mismo un análisis mas riguroso, simplemente porque esas estadísticas pueden estar equivocadas. El aporte de la ciencia económica al estudio de la historia no es realizado por computadoras infalibles sino por investigadores tan falibles como aquellos historiadores clásicos que "solamente" recurrían a documentos en los archivos y que no poseían ninguna técnica cuantitativa. Así, las técnicas cuantitativas que ha introducido la econometría refleja en su secuencia lógica una decisión cualitativa: qué indicadores tomar, cuáles dejar de lado y por qué. Para esta decisión no hay un instrumento cuantitativo infalible, como por ejemplo una regresión, que le indique al investigador una razón cuantitativa para recurrir a una estadística comparada y no a otra.Desde esta perspectiva, podemos remarcar que el historiador debe recurrir a indicadores y estadísticas comparadas para evitar errores serios en su argumentación pero no para basar dicho argumento a partir de ese número o serie histórica. Es claro que la articulación de un argumento supone una construcción cualitativa que, eventualmente, deberá descansar en indicadores comparados para fortalecer la hipótesis en cuestión.Podemos recurrir a un ejemplo clásico en las sociedades que se modernizaban en la mitad del siglo XX. En medio de un proceso de modernización que suponía la aparición de una sociedad mas compleja, era posible ver que determinados delitos eran acompañados de niveles de violencia inéditos. Una parte de la sociedad asociaba estos mayores niveles de violencia al uso de drogas. Así, determinadas personas ejercían en la consecución de un delito mayor nivel de violencia física que en el pasado porque estaban afectadas por el uso de drogas. Sin embargo, distintos estudios demostraron que sólo una minoría de los involucrados estaban bajo el efecto de las drogas cuando cometían delitos. Así, la explicación pasó a ser insatisfactoria. Sin embargo, la refutación de la creencia no supuso en sí mismo la aparición de una explicación alternativa rigurosa. Esa explicación alternativa debía ser pensada y articulada y, en ese proceso, las estadísticas comparadas y series históricas podían tener un papel relevante pero no necesariamente decisivo. A partir de este ejemplo clásico, es posible ver que el papel principal de las estadísticas históricas es aportar una perspectiva comparada que ayude a limitar y refutar creencias. Sin embargo, la posterior construcción de una hipótesis alternativa no puede basarse sólo en una serie histórica rigurosa porque la aparición de una explicación alternativa mas sólida no se hará sólo a partir de la refutación de lo anterior sino a partir de un paradigma que, además de refutar, articule al menos parte de una solución.En la segunda parte profundizaremos en este último punto y recurriremos a ejemplos contemporáneos. En el anexo se detallan paginas webs con información estadística comparada y series históricas relevantes. Referencias: (1) Temin, Peter, obra citada. Página 7, introducción. Por su parte, en un artículo publicado por Temin enThe Journal of Interdisciplinary History, el autor sostiene que "The new component of the new economic history was its tie to economics. Old economic history is a branch of history; New economic history, a branch of economics". Temin, Peter: "The Future of the New Economic History", Vol. 12, No. 2, The New History: The 1980s and beyond (II) (Autumn, 1981), pp. 179-197. (2) Temin, obra citada. Página 9. (3) Temin, obra citada, página 10. (4) Temin, obra citada, página 12. Anexo Información estadísticaÍndice de Desarrollo Humano http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/ http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/data/ http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/ http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/tables/default.htmlInternational Monetary Fund (IMF) http://www.imf.org/external/data.htm http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2011/02/weodata/index.aspx http://www.imf.org/external/research/index.aspx http://www.google.com/publicdata/overview?ds=k3s92bru78li6_Gapminder www.gapminder.org http://www.gapminder.org/data/ http://www.gapminder.org/world/Oxford Latin America Database http://oxlad.qeh.ox.ac.uk/search.phpWorld income inequality databasehttp://www.wider.unu.edu/research/Database/en_GB/database/Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo (BID) http://www.iadb.org/en/research-and-data/research-data,1612.htmlComisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL) http://websie.eclac.cl/infest/ajax/cepalstat.asp?carpeta=estadisticasEstadísticas europeas http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/portal/page/portal/eurostat/home/Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) http://www.oecd.org/statistics/Food and Agriculture Organization of United Nations (FAO) http://www.fao.org/corp/statistics/en/United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (Unctad) http://www.unctad.org http://unctadstat.unctad.org/ReportFolders/reportFolders.aspx?sCS_referer=&sCS_ChosenLang=enBureau of Economic Analysis (Department of Commerce, EE.UU.) http://www.bea.gov/index.htmNational Bureau of Economic Research www.nber.orgPenn World Tables http://pwt.econ.upenn.edu/The cliometric society:http://cliometrics.org/index.htm *Cristina Edbrook es Licenciada en Relaciones Internacionales (Universidad Torcuato Di Tella-Argentina) y maestrando en Arquitectura Urbana (Universidad Di Tella-Argentina)Pedro Isern es Profesor Depto. de Estudios Internacionales.FACS. Universidad ORT Uruguay.

The United States is "prepared" to deploy troops to Haiti as part of a multinational effort if the crisis in the country worsens, though officials are not actively considering such a move, according to the U.S. military commander for Latin America and the Caribbean.
"We wouldn't discount" that U.S. troops could be involved in an international effort in Haiti, said Gen. Laura Richardson, commander of U.S. Southern Command, during a Tuesday event at the Atlantic Council. "We are prepared if called upon by our State Department and Department of Defense," Richardson added, noting that she doesn't envision a "U.S.-only solution" to the deteriorating situation.
The top general's comments highlight the extent of Haiti's current crisis, in which the government has all but fallen apart in the face of armed groups that are now preventing Ariel Henry — the country's internationally recognized leader — from returning from an overseas trip. Pentagon officials are now considering using Guantanamo Bay to hold Haitian refugees if the situation deteriorates further.
Henry, who took over as de facto president following the 2021 assassination of Jovenel Moïse, said recently that he will step down and hand power over to a transitional council made up of key stakeholders from Haitian civil society and political groups. There is, however, one controversial condition: Participants in the foreign-backed council must endorse an international intervention to restore security in Haiti.
A dueling transition effort, led by paramilitary-leader-turned-avowed-revolutionary Guy Philippe, has rejected the prospect of foreign intervention but is unlikely to earn support from Western leaders.
While U.S. officials continue to emphasize their support for a Kenyan-led (but U.S.-funded) United Nations intervention, they have carefully avoided suggesting that American soldiers could be directly involved in any military operations in the country. The Pentagon's only recent operation in the country was a mission last week to airlift U.S. embassy staff out of Haiti.
Washington's concerns about direct intervention are in part due to the long history of U.S. interference in Haitian politics, including a decades-long U.S. occupation in the early 1900s and alleged American interference in several recent Haitian elections. Many in Haiti see the U.S. as partially responsible for the current crisis due to American support for Henry and other Haitian leaders who have crushed protests and steered the country toward authoritarian rule.
But the UN mission has hit its fair share of snags, with Kenyan courts blocking the country's involvement in the intervention over constitutional concerns. In fact, Henry only left the country in order to sign a revised agreement with Kenyan officials before learning that he would not be able to make the trip home. If the UN intervention does come together, U.S. soldiers will provide logistical and sustainment support for Kenya's operations, according to Richardson.
Other obstacles also stand in the way of the Kenya operation, according to Jake Johnston, a senior research associate at the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR). Even if Kenyan courts sign off on the operation, Johnston says it's not clear how Kenyan forces could even land in Port-au-Prince given the level of insecurity. And the level of violence required to defeat the gangs by force would risk "ridiculously high" civilian harm in populous areas.
As the Kenyan-led mission hangs in the balance, the situation continues to deteriorate. "The idea of foreign troops, it's basically served as an excuse to not do anything to address the situation on the ground," Johnston said. "For a year and a half, we've been debating how this is going to happen, who's going to fund it, who's going to lead it, what they're going to do."
While the government continues to function in limited ways, local armed groups control large swathes of the capital city, and street violence has forced many Haitians to flee their homes. Food insecurity has also tripled since 2016, giving Haiti "one of the highest levels of hunger in the world," according to the World Food Program.
Haiti watchers blame the crisis on years of corruption and weak governance, in addition to lax policies toward armed groups based in poor neighborhoods. Those paramilitary groups have had an uneasy relationship with Haitian officials, though their interests have at times aligned, as was the case in 2018 when armed groups stepped in to break up anti-government protests.
The current crisis began last month when disparate paramilitary groups declared that they had joined forces to oust Henry. It is unclear whether the groups have enough in common to remain unified in their anti-government efforts; the gangs carried out a similar effort last year that fizzled out after a few weeks, according to Johnston.
Now, the best path forward for foreign officials is to allow Haitians to solve the crisis with minimal foreign influence, Johnston argues. "A huge part of this crisis is a result of U.S. foreign policy, which propped up Henry despite every indication that this was going to blow up in their face," he said. "You can't impose the government from an external source or power. It's not going to work in the long run, however much we might want it to."
"We might not like what happens in a local process," Johnston added, "but it's not really up to us to make that choice."

Issue 58.3 of the Review for Religious, May/June 1999. ; f 0 r relig i ous Christian Heritages and ,Contemporary Living MAY-JUNE 1999 * VOLUME 58 ¯ NUMBER 3 Review for Religioug is a forum for shared reflection on the lived experience of all who J~nd that the church's rich heritages of spirituality support their personal and apostolic Christian lives. The articles in the journal are meant to be informative, practical, historical, or inspirational, written from a tbeological or spiritual or sometimes canonical point of view. Review for Religious (ISSN 0034-639X) is published bi-monthly at Saint Louis University by the Jesuits of the Missouri Province. Editorial Office: 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393. Telephone: 314-977-7363 ¯ Fax: 314-977-7362 E-Mail: foppema@slu.edu Manuscripts, books for review, and correspondence with the editor: Review for Religious ° 3601 Lindell Boulevard ° St. Louis, MO 63108-3393. Correspondence about the Canonical Counsel department: Elizabeth McDonough OP P.O. Box 29260; ~,rashington, D.C. 20017 POSTMASTER Send address changes to Review for Religious ° P.O. Box 6070 ¯ Duluth, MN ~5806. Periodical postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri, and additional mailing offices. See inside back cover for information on subscription rates. ©1999 Review for Religious Permission is herewith granted to copy any material (articles, poems, reviews) contained in this issue of Review for Religious for personal or internal use, or for the personal or internal use of specific library, clients within the limits outlined in Sections 107 and/or 108 of the United States Copyright Law. All copies made under this permission must bear notice of the source, date, and copyright owner on the first page. This permission is NOT extended to copying for commercial distribu-tion, advertising, institutional promotion, or for the creation of new collective works or anthologies. Such permission will only be considered on written application to the Editor, Review for Religious. Editor Associate Editors Canonical Counsel Editor Editorial Staff Advisory Board David L. Fleming sJ Philip C. Fischer SJ Regina Siegfried ASC Elizabeth McDonough OP Mary Ann Foppe Tracy Gramm Jean Read James and Joan Felling Kathryn Riehards FSP Joel Rippinger OSB Bishop Carlos A. Sevilla SJ David Werthmann CSSR Patricia Wittberg SC Heritages and Contemporary Lfiv~ng MAY-JUNE 1999 * VOLUME58 * NUMBER3 contents 230 251 women religious Charism or Deep Story? Towards Understanding Better the 19th-Century Origins of American Women's Congregations Margaret Susan Thompson suggests that emphasis on "charism" may not be helpful in explaining the ,founding experiences of many women's communities in 19th-century America, and identifies some of the reasons why "deep stow" may be a more usable concept. The Need for Self-Criticism: Affirmative Comments Elizabeth McDonough OP suggests that the time has come for United States religious women to initiate some possibly difficult but genuinely constructive self-criticism and some corrective change of course in various aspects of postconciliar renewal. 261 266 women and the church The Annuario Pontificio: The Vatican's "Pontifical Yearbook" and a Recent Editorial Decision Larry N. Lorenzoni SDB updates a bit of history about who are included in the Vatican's "Pontifical Yearbook." Women and Canon Law Joan A. Range ASC investigates the extraordinary recent history of women entering the field of canon law. Review for Religious 286 295 mary Five Faces of Mary Robert P. Maloney CM offers five Marian faces as a way of meditating on the rich, varied tradition surrounding the Virgin Mary. The Temple and the Journeying: Mary of Sorrows Joel Giallanza CSC draws directions for our spiritual life's journey from reflecting on the traditional seven sorrows of Mary. 3O5 314 witnessing Blessed Maria Droste: A Good Shepherd Motif in Sacred Heart Spirituality Juliana Devoy RGS tells the story of Blessed Maria Droste, which gives witness to her vision of God's merciful love reflected in Sacred Heart spirituality. Echoes from My Fifty-sixth Annual Retreat Robert F. Drinan sJ shares reflections on God!s grace stirring thoughts and feelings in a retreat. 228 32O 325 departments Prisms Canonical Counsel: Visitation by External Authorities Book Reviews May-.~une 1999 227- Whoever has seen me has seen the Father. --John 14:9 Wean talk about God in some very un-Christian ways. As we "dress up" God in the various cultural and time-bound categories of our human world, we are inevitably limited, in both our reasoning and our imagining. When we get swept up into a highly intellectualized philosophical approach, we find our-selves projecting a vague abstract and sometimes fright-ening power and a childishly understood world. God without a face. Although Jesus lived within human limitations of time and culture, he dared to speak "with authority" about the reign of God in images and parables that tore down the temple curtain of separation to let people catch some glimpses of God that are new. The synoptic Gospels--Mark, Matthew, and Luke--talk of a celebra-tory invitation to a banquet, of a shepherd doggedly searching out a lost sheep, so that we come to know and relate to God with fresh affective response. But the Gospel of St. John stands out as the Gospel of the God revealed to us by Jesus as "Father." Few are the chapters in John's Gospel that do not have explicit reference to God as Father. The qualities of this Father-God tumble out. This God is the God of life: "Just as the Father who has life sent me and I have life because of the Father." Jn 6:44. This is a God who works: "My Father is at work until now, and I am Review for Religious' at work as well" Jn 5:17. This is a God who teaches: "My doctrine is not my own; it comes from him who sent me" Jn 7:16; "I say only what the Father has taught me" Jn 8:28. This is a God who cultivates growth: "I am the true vine, and my Father is the vine-grower" Jn 15:1. Above all, this God is the one who loves: "The Father loves the Son and has given everything over to him" Jn 3:35; "the one who loves me will be loved by my Father"Jn 14:21. In retreat notes published as a book, The Ignatian Exercises in the Light of St. John, Cardinal Carlo Maria Martini SJ reflects that a way of considering the Fourth Gospel is to see it as a gospel of prayer, It is prayer not just from people responding to Jesus as we do so often in our prayer lives, but prayer also from Jesus to the one he lovingly calls Abba-Father. From Jesus We learn how we are meant to grow in our relationship with God. And so this Gospel, in teaching a way of relating to God for the mature Christian, is paradoxically the Gospel most insistent in remind-ing us that we are still "children" who have--and who need for our very existence--a Father. We are called, in imitation of Jesus, to relate to a God from whom we have everything--all that we are and all that we would call "our own." This is the God that Jesus describes as the One apart from whose words he himself has nothing to say, the God apart from whose works he has no work to do. As Christian evan-gelizers, then, we need to follow the example of Jesus so that what we say flows from our union with this God. As Christian ministers we need to strive that all our deeds and good works flow from the baptismal grace given by God that makes us all very special children, God's sons and daughters. It is from this God we have come--a Source we call by Jesus' word Father-- and it is to this God we direct our whole life as the One we, with John, identify as Love. If we let the words of St. John enter more deeply into our very being, we will find ourselves being shaped and molded by the reality behind our personally limited understandings of God as Father and God as Love. This is the revealed God of Scripture we seek to know and make known ever better in this year dedi-cated to God the Father. David L. Fleming SJ '229 May-June 1999 MARGARET SUSAN THOMPSON Charism or Deep Story? Towards Understanding Bett@r the 19th-Century Origins of American Women's Congregatigns Since the Second Vatican Council, the term charism increasingly has become associated with the identity, and .even the integrity, of religious congregations.1 Literally dozens of published essays explore the term's meaning and significance~ A substantial number of the community websites created in recent years contain a page about-- or at least an allusion to--the group's "charism," as do postconciliar constitutions, mission statements, and voca-tion paraphernalia. The hierarchy of the Catholic Church has not been silent either, particularly during the current papacy. For example, in its 1983 document "Essential Elements in the Church's Teaching on Religious Life 'as Applied to Institutes Dedicated to Works of the Apostolate," the Sacred ~Congregation for Religious and Secular Institutes used ~the term ten times, and it shows up a whopping eighty-six times in//Tta con-secrata, John Paul II's apostolic letter in response to the 1994 Synod on Religious Life. . Ironically, the word itself is not: to be found in Perfectae caritatis, the council document which treats the Margaret Susan Thompson PhD has written and lectured extensively on the history of women religious in the United States. She is associate professor of history and political sci-ence at Syracuse University; Department of History; 145 Eggers Hall; Syracuse, New York 13244. Review for Religious "Adaptation and Renewal of Religious Life." In fact, its first appearance in a magisterial treatise seems to be in 1971's Evangelica testificatio. Addressing religious themselves, Paul vI speaks of the "charisms of your founders" and the "charisms of the various insti-tutes" (§§11, 32), assuming, probably with justification, that the terminology would be familiar to his intended audience. But, for those in doubt about this nomenclature, Paul cites Perfectae cari-tatis §2b, which calls upon members of religious institutes to respect their "particular characteristics and work" and "their founders' spirit and special aims" as they proceed with their groups' renewal. Paul extends the discussion in Mutuae relationes (1978), using the term nineteen times and declaring, among other things, that "the very charism of the founders (Evangelii nuntiandi, §I 1) appears as an 'experience of the Spirit'" and that "every authentic charism implies a certain element of genuine originality and of special initiative for the spiritual life of the church" (§12). By now, therefore, one would assume that the meaning of a term so widely and authoritatively used would be clear, and one might also assume that the reality of the thing known as "charism" would be easily identifiable and inherent to religious life. Indeed, this seems to be implicit in various references from the two doc-uments of the current pontificate mentioned above. The first para-graph of "Essential Elements" refers to "the founding charism of a particular institute" and later even says that, through its appro-bation of a community's canonical status, the "God-given ministry of the hierarchy" has ratified the "authentic discernment of its founding charism" (§41):2 The references in Vita consecrata are too numerous even to summarize, but here are a few of them: "charisms proper to the various institutes," "fidelity to the found-ing charism," "[an institute's] Rule and constitutions [are approved] in accordance with a specific charism confirmed by the church," and "the uniqueness of their different ~harisms' (§§19, 36, 37, 53). Surely, then, "charigm" is intrinsic to religious life. Every con-gregation must have one, unique to that particular institute and traceable directly to its individual founder., But the rationale for this essay is precisely that none of the assumptions above seems necessarily to be the case. It is my con-tention that, in much of its current usage, charism is a term of such vagueness and ambiguity as to be almost meaningless. More impor-tantly, even if we can accept the connotations that John Paul II apparently regards as definitive (and he is hardly alone in this atti- May-~tune 1999 -231 . Thompson ¯ Charism or Deep Story? tude), I would argue that a good many of the women's apostolic congregations that ministered in the 19th and early 20th century in the United States have no such thing as a "charism" according to this understanding. Thus, if, as John Paul II suggests, "charism" is an "essential element" of religious life, the very legitimacy of these congregations seems to be east into question--surely a seri-ous, perhaps even disastrous, consequence for the groups involved. What is needed, therefore, is some alternative to charism, some concept that is more in accord with the historical reality of many institutes and legitimates their experience and continued existence. It is unlikely that my consideration here will arrive at any defini-tive conclusions, but I hope to suggest some alternative ways of thinking that may prove useful in framing the historical and cur-rent context of sisters' experiences and perhaps assist in the pro-cess of religious revitalization and renewal. At the very least, from my ongoing research into women's religious life in the 19th-cen-tury United States, I think I can explain why the emphasis on "charism" in contemporary thinking about religious life is prob-lematic and historically unjustified, at least as a universal norm. Before we proceed, a few assumptions need to be made explicit. First, I believe that some congregations do have a charism and that in some cases it is traceable, at least in some degree, to an individual "founder." In other instances, its origin may lie with a founding group of individuals (a "founding generation"), while in still others a charism may have emerged later in a community's history--or a buried, neglected, or even repudiated charism may be discerned or refurbished by subsequent generations. Second-- and in this I am confirmed by the usages of several scholars as well as by both Paul vI and John Paul II--I believe there is also some-thing generic that can be called "a charism of apostolic religious life." Third, the lack of a particular charism does not render an institute (or its members or ministries) less significant, "spiritual," or legitimate than those which do have such a "gift":--just as the existence of one does not indicate superiority or greater validity. Indeed, given that the use of the term charism in connection with religious life is of such recent provenance, its application to past experience--particularly if it is considered to be some sort of uni-versal norm--actually may be ahistorically anachronistic. The word charism, of course, is Greek and means "gift." In contemporary Christian usage, it refers specifically to a spiritual gift, that is, "a free gift of grace." Moreover, virtually all Catholic Review for Religious scholars agree that a charism is not solely for the benefit of its direct recipient; rather, "it is a supernatural gift bestowed by the Holy Spirit for building up the body of Christ" or, in simpler terms, a "divine spiritual gift to individuals or groups for the build-ing up of the community." Within the context of religious life, the charism presumably is received initially by an institute's founder, who transmits it on to her followers. It is this "gift of grace" which is to imbue the community with its unique character or identity; as Richard McBrien puts it, "the unique gift of the founder., is given to every member from one generation to the next."3 Between 1727 and 1917, at least 422 Catholic apostolic con-gregations of women religious were active within the United States.4 Some were short-lived, but four hundred of them contin-ued to exist in 1917, and the overwhelming majority are extant today. Of the 422, a total of 273 belonged to one of ten large reli-gious "families," each of which could trace its birth to a particu-lar founder or pair of founders (see Table 1). Thus, each of these could be presumed to be a beneficiary of the. "charism" of the per-son or persons with whom that family began. Moreover, many of these groups also regard themselves as having their own particular founders, who "re-visioned" the familial identity in some way that imparted a special or distinct character to it.s Table 1 U.S. Al~ostolic Women's Communities andTheir Religious "Families" . FAMILY FOUNDER(S) NO. OF COMMUNITIES Benedictine Benedict, Scholastica 32 Carmelite (reform) Teresa of Avila 3 Dominican Dominic 30 Franciscan Francis 54 St. Joseph Jean Pierre Medaille 27 Mercy Catherine McAuley 65 Presentation Nano Nagle 7 Ursuline Angela Merici 30 Vincentian Vincent de Paul and Louise de Marfllac 10 Visitation Francis de Sales and Jane Frances de Chantal 15 May-June 1999 233 Thompson ¯ Charism or Deep Story? No one can or will deny that these communities have---since their founding, in most cases--been known by one of these "fam-ily names." Still, this begs some important questions. How many of even these congregations can be said to have been "birthed" into the charism of their family forebears? How many incorpo-rated themselves into a particular family with explicit awareness of the spiritual and ecclesial consequences? How many can assert with confidence that their history is one of explicit and consistent acknowledgment of and fidelity to that charism? In other words, to what extent did "charism" traditionally play a part in shaping the identities of at least some of these institutes? Alternatively, how many of them became, in fact, "generic" apostolic entities doing good work, composed of good (even holy) people, but ~undistin-guished by any familial or "particular" spiritual identity that would differentiate them clearly from others of theoburgeoning number of women's religious orders that came increasingly to "do their thing" in the United States in, the 19th and 20th centuries? Finally, most of the nearly one hundred fifty other women's congregations I have studied also assert that they have particular "founders' charisms." Are all of them justified in their claims? It naturally is impossible to provide in one article definitive answers to any of these questions. Instead, I intend to offer some representative examples from the histories of the communities I have studied, examples that I believe will demonstrate some of the major problems with the assumptions about charism that charac-terize so much of what has been said about religious life in the past quarter century. Let me emphasize thavnone of these exam-ples is unique; rather, each is suggestive of all-too-typical congre-gational experiences. Each indicates some aspect of why I believe that the notion of a "founder's?' or "founding" charism is so prob-lematic and why the notion may, in fact, do more to obscure the realities of women's religious history than to illumine it. The Most Common Scenario: Instrumentalism Throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries, the Catholic population of the United States exploded. As early as 1850, Catholics constituted the largest single body of believers in the nation, a ranking they have maintained ever since. But, hardly monolithic, they consisted of an ecer growing number of proudly distinct (and sometimes mutually antagonistic) ethnic groups, many Review for Religious of which came to the New World specifically to escape religious persecution or to preserve their cultural identities. Most were poor when they arrived in their new nation; few except the Irish spoke English. Their secular and Protestant neighbors greeted them with suspicion and often with overt hostility. Clearly, these were peo-ple with numerous and diverse needs to be met, and church lead-ers, beleaguered and fearful of "leakage" from the faith, sought ways to respond effectively. It is not surprising, therefore, that dozens of institutes were started in or brought to the United States to provide practical ser-vices, often to specific subgroups of Catl~olics. Both individual community histories by the score and various more com-prehensive works attest con-vincipgly-- and, before 1965, unapologetically--to what I call the instrumental motivation for so many foundations: to teach the ever growing number of school-age children,6 to provide healthcareand relief (primarily, of course, but not only to Catholics), and, increasingly, to work with persons from partic-ular immigrant groups who needed ministers who understood both their languages and their traditions and could both foster cultural survival and ease the pro-cess of Americanization. Others were started for equally functional purposes: to do housework for priests or to offer catechetical instruction to children outside the parochial schools. Consider, for instance, the following accounts of foundings, taken almost randomly from the 1964 edition of Thomas McCarthy's Guide to the Catholic Sisterhoods of the United States-- perhaps the most successful comprehensive "vocation book" ever published in this country:7 [Sisters of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin:] A school, but no teachers, and none to be had from any religious commu-nity in spite of numerous requests by Father Jean Harper. ¯. He decided to act upon his curate's suggestion: "We can-not obtain nuns? Then, let us make some!" And so the con-gregation came into existence . . (p. 192). Dozens of institutes were started in or brought to the United States to provide practical services, often to specific subgroups of Catholics. 235--- May-~une 1999 Thompson * Charism or Deep Story? [Franciscans of Tiffin, Ohio:] Father Joseph L. Bihn . . . founded this Franciscan community to help him care for the many children orphaned as a result of the Civil War. Three of his parishioners, Elizabeth Schaeffer, a widow, and her two daughters, formed the nucleus of this congregation. (p. 271). [Sisters of Sts. Cyril ahd Methodius:] The early 1900s was a critical period for the many immigrants from Slovakia who setded in the United States. Father Matthew Jankola of the Scranton diocese was keenly aware that this adjustment required not only the building of schools but also of secur-ing sisters to staff them. As a result of his efforts, this dioce-san congregation was established in 1900 (p. 189). [Sisters of the Holy Family, San Francisco, California:] "I have another work for you to do," Archbishop Joseph S. Alemany OP said to young Elizabeth Armer when she came to consult him about entering a contemplative order. The archbishop unfolded to the future Mother Dolores his plans for an insti-tute to give religious instruction to children who could not attend Catholic schools. (p. 295). [Little Daughters of St. Joseph:] Father Antoine Mercier, a Sulpician priest., who desired to establish a congregation of nuns who would consecrate themselves to the spiritual and material welfare of the clergy and seminarians, founded this community with the assistance of Miss de Lima Dauth, the co-foundress. On April 26, 1857, both began this eminently apostolic work of helping priests and seminarians by means of a life of prayer, self-denial, and manual labor (p. 36). [Sisters of Charity of the Incarnate Word, Houston, Texas:] "A multitude of sick and infirm seeks relief at your hands" was the irresistible plea of Rt. Rev. C.M. Dubuis when he went to France to seek volunteers to help him in his missionary labors in Galveston, Texas. Three young women answered his appeal and with these he founded the congregation in 1866. The community, which built the first Catholic hospital in the state, has papal approval and conducts twenty-six insti-tutions. (p. 120). 236 Where, in any of these stories, can one discern a charism? Ministry, yes; inspiring service to needy people, certainly. But two obstacles to discerning a "charism of the founder" recur in each instance. First, the reason each community came into being was functional, not charismatic. And, second, at least as these accounts would have it, the initiating impulse came not from the women who would offer to respond, but from clerics--men who, by def- Review for Religious inition, were persons outside of the community itself and thus hard to recognize as part of the group's intrinsic "lived tradition.''s Random Rule Selection and the Problem of Charism Every autonomous congregation has its own constitution, but, properly speaking, only four Rules (St. Basil, St. Augustine, St. Benedict, and St. Francis) were approved by Rome, and every com-munity had to select one of these as the basis for its organization and gov-ernance. 9 This helps to explain, for example, why so many women's con-gregations belonged to the Franciscan "family"--generally speaking, it was considered the most "flexible" of the four and therefore the easiest to adapt to a variety of instrumental purposes. To assume, then, that every commu-nity designated as "Franciscan" also and intentionally embodied a Franciscan charism requires an enor-mous leap of faith; in fact, even some founders who wanted to be "Franciscan" sometimes began by organizing themselves by another Rule. Two contrasting examples will illustrate the problem. First, there is that of the Sisters of St. Francis of Perpetual Adoration, originally founded in Olpe, Westphalia, in 1859 (and eventually established in the U.S. in 1875). The founder, Mother Mary Theresia (Aline) Bonzel, had great devotion to St. Francis and wanted to be Franciscan, but one of her co-founders, Clara Pfaender, had previously belonged to a con-gregation which followed the Augustinian Rule. We may let the community's first historian, an unusually forthright individual, take the story from there: Aline Bonzel wanted the Franciscan Rule by all means. But seemingly she was not well acquainted with the basic Rule of religious orders . Clara Pfaender knew the Augustinian Rule from her convent days with the Sisters of Christian Charity. She felt she could write a constitution based on that Rule. Since she was the superior and responsible for admit-ting candidates into the community, it s~emed advisable, in this very beginning, that she have the liberty to employ her To assume that every community designated as "Franciscan" also and intentionally embodied a Franciscan charism requires an enormous leap of faith. 237 May-June 1999 Thompson ¯ Charism or Deep Story? full experience in religious life. Only on this basis can one explain how a community which uniformly desired to live according to the Franciscan Rule began with the Augustinian Rule, but with the intention of later converting to the Franciscan Rule. In this procedure the character of the times can readily be detec(ed. Many most likely saw basically lit-de difference whether one lived according to the Augustinian or the Franciscan Rule. The development of a specialized spirituality came later and in many instances vqry much later. As this author put it elsewhere: So many religious congregations came into being in the 19th century, and many chose their Rule by chance. Charitable activity called, and congregations were founded to fill the need to serve God and man. With some it seemingly made no difference what religious Rule was followed, for all were good and sanctifying~ . . . Foundations flourished which at first simpl); set up the aciivities and objectives of the apos-tolate and later wrote the rule and constitutions. Often enough at the very beginning it was purely accidental rather than a conscious effort that one or the other rule took hold.l° Contrast this with the experienqe of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Third Order of St. Francis (SSJ-TOSF). Their history has been recounted superbly in two volumes by Josephine Marie Peplinski; basically, the group owed its origins to ethnic conflict within the School Sisters of St. Francis. The School Sisters were predominantly German, and the founding SSJ-TOSFs were Polish members who, after many incidents distressing to them, decided in 1901 to break off and found their own congregation. They took the Rule and name of "Franciscan" with them, but their self-claimed identity was fundamentally Polish. Indeed, as Peplinski has docu-mented, part of the problem was that, for its first few decades of existence, the community's leadership was passed back and forth between two very different individuals, one of whom (Mother Mary F~licia Jasku, lski) had a real devotion to St. Francis, while the other (Mother Mary Boleslaus Rybicki) "moved the congre-gation toward a popular Jesuit interpretation of obedience and authority--military in tone." As Peplinski puts it, "She exerted great influence in developing the spirituality of the congregation throughout her lifetime . . . and afterwards through those who adopted her ideals. It is ~v0rthy to note that until 1940, fourteen years after Mother Mary Boleslaus's death, almost all of the retreat masters invited to th~ congregation were Jesuits." Peplinski describes tlie congregation during its first sixty years as a Review for Religious "Franciscan sisterhood adapted to the post-Tridentine paradigm of religious life serving the American immigrant church . A basic problem was that canon law rather than the gospel law of love was set up as the ideal." In fact, not until after Vatican II, under Peplinsld's own leadership (she led the congregation 1968-1976), did the SSJ-TOSFs make a concerted and systematic effort to dis-cover what "bein~ Franciscan:' was all about. But, while they in fact embrace a Franciscan spirituality as they enter into their sec-ond century, is it at all accurate, despite their name, to regard it as their "founding charism"?II What Happened to the Benedictines? .Peplinski's congregation was not the only one "adapted to the post-Tridentine paradigm of religious life serving the American immigrant church." What happened to the Benedictines was equally dramatic and potentially of even more profound conse-quence to what they were supposed to be all about. It is a com-plicated story, ably told from somewhat different perspectives by Judith Sutera, M. Incarnata Girgen, and Ephrem Hollermann.12 The first nuns came to St. Marys, Pennsylvania, in 1852 from Eichst~itt, Bavaria, where they had lived in a way that permitted full cenobitic, monastic observance, including recitation of the Divine Office and solemn vows according to the Benedictine formulary: stability, conversatio ("conversion of life"), and obedience, However, within less than ten years after their arrival in the United States, a complicated series of events ensued, resulting in fundamental alterations to their tradition. Stated simply, the right to take solemn vows was abrogated (because the women were unable to observe strict enclosure), pressures of "life in mission territory" (as well as the elimination of solemn vows) led to "permission" to miti-gate the requirement to recite the full Divine Office (allowing substitution of the Little Office of th~ Blessed Virgin Mary, parts only of the Divine Office, or ~ven rosaries and other devotional practices), the jurisdiction of community leaders was made sec-ondary to that of diocesan, bishops (who could, among other things, approve or reject the election of prioresses and the admission of new members--something unheard of, normally, in Benedictinism). Even the simple vows the women now professed wer~ not neces-sarily the Benedictine ones. As Sutera explains, some took the tra-ditional vows, some took the three vows common to other May-June 1999 Thompson ¯ Charism or Deep Story? communities (poverty, chastity, obedience), Others took five vows and some four (not stability, because there were rumors that the women were to be reorganized into a large congregation complete with provinces, regional novitiates, and so forth). She summarizes the consequences this way: "What Rome had done was to create a canonical anomaly, a group of unenclosed monastic women who retained the right to the designation of 'O.S.B.' This right implied some recognition that they were nuns of the ancient order rather than sisters of a later congregation despite their simple vows. However, it left them as technically neither one nor the other. [Practically speaking,] they faded into the mass of apostolic orders." 13 Sutera and Hollermann's books, especially, are potent wit-nesses to the extent to which American Benedictines struggled over the following century both to respond 'to the ministerial and apostolic demands placed upon them and to remain as faithful as they could to their Benedictine heritage. Both accounts verify the existence and persistence of Benedictine charism, however "re-visioned" in the American context, despite the many and substan-tial obstacles put in the sisters' way. Thus, when Vatican II came along, with its call for renewal in the spirit of the founders, the Benedictines had a strong foundation on which they could rely. Nonetheless, the disparate experiences of the various autonomous foundations during the years between their foremothers' arrival in the U.S. and the postconciliar period raise important questions about how, and the extent to which, "fidelity to charism" shaped the historical reality of American Benedictine sisters. If one reads the descriptions of them in McCarthy's 1964 compendium, for instance, they seem virtually indistinguishable from the plethora of apostolic institutes that surrounded them.14 "Charisms" Buried, Repudiated, or Denied At least the Benedictines had a strong tradition, never com-pletely lost, that they could revitalize when called to do so by the Second Vatican Council, Others, however, were not so fortunate, The situations of those who chose their traditions randomly, or who were founded for largely instrumental purposes, have already been discussed. But what about those who did have more charismatic founders, whose legacies, for various reasons, were obscured or even rejected? Probably the most famous such case is that of the Institute Review for Religious of the Blessed Virgin Mary, founded by the remarkable Mary Ward in 1609; not until the papacy of Pius XI! were they able to claim her officially as the founder of their congregation. But other instances pertain more directly to the U.S. Catholic experience; here I will refer to just three of them (by no means the only ones). As late as McCarthy's 1964 Guide (p. 317), the sisters founded by Margaret Anna Cusack in 1884 were identified unqualifiedly as the "Sisters of St. Joseph of Newark" and were described as having been founded by "Bishop Bagshawe of Nottingham, England . . . in 1888." Then, we are told, Bishop Michael Wigger of Newark, New Jersey, "received the community into his dio-cese shortly after its establish-ment." The latter sentence, technically, is true, but the foundation was in 1884; by 1888 the controversial Cusack had left both Newark and the Catholic Church. The myth of Bagshawe's role, as well as the rather skewed chronology, evolved largely to bury the fact that this group's founder--a woman who did, I believe, have a charism and who had a very revolutionary vision for her community--was regarded at the time of her death as an "apostate." Dorothy Vidulich has provided a first-rate account of how Cusack's community rediscovered her in the aftermath of Vatican II, officially reclaiming her in 1970 as their founder and reclaiming, too, her original name for the congregation: the Sisters of St. Joseph of Peace. Since then, the group has devoted enormous effort to uncovering and taking ownership of her and their charism; nonetheless, the fact that her very connection with the institute was buried for eighty-five years (starting less than four years after it began) makes it difficult to discern the extent to which her charism ever played a meaningful role in its earlier historical expe-rience. Is the identity of this community primarily traceable to Cusack? Or, like an adopted child, must this group, like it or not, acknowledge that other "parents" may actually have been more significant in shaping their ongoing lived reality? 15 American Benedictines struggled both to respond to the ministerial and apostolic demands placed upon them and to remain as faithful as they could to their Benedictine heritage. May-June 1999 Thompson ¯ Charism or Deep Story? Which person or persons must be acknowledged as having contributed-- and how--to the congregation's actual history ? The founder of the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, of Monroe, Michigan, was never, stricdy speaking, denied; her central role in the congregation's founding was, how.ever, unde-niably minimized and obscured. Theresa Maxis Duchemin was the offspring of an unwed "woman of color." Both her "race" (her mother was an immigrant to the U.S. from what now is known as Haiti) and her "illegitimate" parentage were, of course, problem-atic. So was the fact that she obscured both of them when she came to Michigan in 1845 to found the congregation ("passing" as "white")--in doing so, she left the commu- 'nity she had belonged to since 1829, the Oblate Sisters of Providence. (This group was the first African American con-gregation in the history of Catholicism. Duchemin was one of its first ,four members, its only American-born founder, and was onetime superior gen-eral of it. In the 1830s her mother, too, joined the community.) What perhaps contributed most, however, towards her role in Monroe IHM history becoming "shadowy" were her ongoing con-flict with Edward Joos (an early spiritual father assigned to the congregation by the bishop), her decision to establish a foundation in Pennsylvania (which the bishop did not approve of, and which soon turned into two), her subsequent conflicts with the .authori-tarian bishop of Philadelphia who succeeded Duchemin's beloved John Neumann, and tier resultant eighteen years of exile in Canada, during which she was forbidden contact with any of the three IHM communities she had founded. Eventually Duchemin was allowed to return to the Philadelphia foundation; ironically, however, only the Scranton one has always acknowledged her role in its begin-nings, In Monroe, meanwhile, Mother Mary Joseph Walker, who succeeded Duchemin as superior in 1859, was becoming regarded as the group's "true foundress," while Joos, who served 'as its eccle-siastical superior from 1857 to 1901, was referred to as the "beloved father." 16 How is a grouplike this to return to the "charism of the founder"? Even in the 1990s the Monroe community is ambivalent Review for Religions as to how it should refer to Duchemin: was she their "founder," their "co-founder" (along with Louis Gillet, the Redemptorist who called her to Michigan in 1845 and departed' abruptly two years later), or simply one of the "first four"? What about the "found-ing" and "formative" roles of Walker and, especially, Joos? At the time of the latter's death, his loss was apparently considered so traumatic that the then general superior "had to assure the sisters that it was possible for the congregation to continue without him." True, Margaret Brennan IHM has documented the persistence of certain very specific elements of Duchemin's spiritual legacy, even through the decades when her contribution was denied, but impor-tant questions still remain.~7 As with the Sisters of St. Joseph of Peace, which person or persons must be acknowledged as having contributed--and how--to the congregation's actual history? "The Most Reverend Archbishop William Gross CSSR of Oregon City founded [the Sisters of St. Mary of Oregon] in Sublimity, Oregon, in 1886 . A vastly scattered flock, with . only a few religious to care for them, made Archbishop Gross determined to establish his own community of sisters."18 It seems a typical 19th-century story; unfortunately, it has almost no basis in reality. The real root of this community is a group of lay peo-ple who more than a decade earlier followed a schismatic priest of the Congregation of the Precious Blood, Charle~ Albrecht, out of Ohio into exile in Wisconsin and Minnesota (where Albrecht died) and then moved (with Albrecht's body) on to rural Oregon. There a young,girl in the group--who had been "bequeathed" to the cultish "trusteeship" of a trio of laymen ("devotees" of Albrecht, whose body during many months after his death,was kept in a cof-fin mounted above the dining table in the group's community room in Minnesota and then, quite ossified, was transported illegally to Oregon)--sought help from some Benedictine monks of Mount Angel Abbey, who put the future Mother Wilhelmina Bleily in touch with Gross, who eventually "regularized" the status of those who sought it and provided official recognition for the "sisters." Shortly thereafter he deposed Wilhelmina from the superiorship to which she had been duly elected, brought in a sister from Wisconsin to provide "formation" for the. community, and reshaped its identity completely. Although the original sisters had retained a strong devotion to the Precious Blood from their Ohio heritage, for instance, Gross refused to allow them to include this in the name of their congregation. By the 1960s, after decades of denial, May-June 1999 9A2 Thompson * Charism or Deep Story? Inappropriate reliance for spiritual grounding upon "a" founder and her or his significance can lead to a spirituality that is static or reactionary. Wilhelmina's contributions had been forgotten (and her diary, which recorded all that had happened, both before 1886 and after, lay gathering dust in the community's attic, not to be rediscov-ered until a new motherhouse was constructed in the 1970s), and the only things that remained from their roots were a red cord (on which they wore a crucifix around their necks) and a vague acknowledgment of a "devotion to the Precious Blood," one among many devotions that had been accepted without explanation for several generations29 More than either of the other two groups dis-cussed. here, the SSMO's decision to bury its past (not to mention Albrecht's body) certainly is understandable. It is also under-standable that, because of their "rescue" from the "trustees" by Gross, this really rather remark-able group has always prided itself on its loyalty to and reverence for the hierarchy. But how to imple-ment that loyalty whe, n the hier-archy charges one with "restoring the founder's charism"? In this case, what are they to do with Albrecht, with the trustees, with years of schismatic and extremely odd cultic spirituality, with the deposing of Wilhelmina, and with the clearly subordinate status that "in gratitude" the SSMOs were expected to tolerate in the Portland Archdiocese for most of the yea.rs of their existence? In this paper I have offered reasons why emphasis on the founder's charism--which has characterized so much of post- Vatican II religious renewal--deserves reexamination regarding its relevance and utility to the histories (and subsequent revitaliza-tions) of many religious congregations. Clearly, in many cases it is not something that can be easily identified, and, in some cases where it can be, that very recognition leads to problems of a dif-ferent sort. I could have discussed other issues as well: that certain congregations owe their origins to groups rather than to individ-uals, that emphasis on "formal" founders (founders who have offi-cial canonical recognition from the [male] prelates charged with 9rid "verifying" the "authenticity" of a congregation, and many of Review for Religiotts whom, for women's congregations, have erroneously been identi-fied as men) tends to obscure the cumulative and ongoing respon-sibilities that all community members have for their collective spirituality, and that inappropriate reliance for spiritual grounding upon "a" founder and her or his significance can lead to a spiritu-ality that is static or reactionary. All of these matters deserve explo-ration; unfortunately, constraints of space in the present circumstances prevent their serious consideration here. What I do offer for present consideration is an alternative approach to "charism" that may prove of value to communities that recognize some of their own histories in what I have been able to include in this essay. It is developed most fully, perhaps, in a 1989 article in Review for Religious by Bernard Lee SM.2° Lee begins with a clear assertion: The "recovery of charism" may be one of the most unsup-portable and unnecessary burdens a religious institution has ever been asked to bear, because it cannot be done. Charism is not a property. It is not a possession. It is not transfer-able, not transmittable, and not controllable. Charism is a deeply historicized social phenomenon. It cannot be dupli-cated in any other time or place. Charism has never been a movable feast. (p. 124) Instead, Lee suggests the notion of "deep story" as an alter-native to the emphasis on charism. He defines this as a category of interpretation that comes out of structuralism, which is a method for interpreting group identity. It pre-supposes that group identity is rooted in a narrative structure, that is, in recurring patterns of relationships and social activ-ities. The narrative structure of any complex and interesting group, however, is extremely elusive because it is instinctual and unconscious even more than it is deliberate and self-conscious . Deep stories are exhibited in rituals that cel-ebrate them (for example, rituals of profession), in special words and phrases that belong especially to them. Stephen Crites says that all of these things are elusive expressions of deep stories (he calls them sacred stories) "that cannot fully be told, because they live, so to speak, in the arms and legs and bellies of the celebrants. These stories lie too deep in the consciousness of a people to be directly told: they form con-sciousness rather than being among the objects of which it is directly aware." (p. 126)z' What Lee intends to suggest by all this, I think, is the con-tinuous and cumulative process of a community's identity forma- Thompson ¯ Charism or Deep Story? tion--its spiritual nature (my term), its history--which, of course, in sacred time and space, encompasses the present and future as much as the past. Thus, to turn to Lee once again, "the founder's or foundress's gift is not a community's charism. The real found-ing gift is a narrative structure that supported and reflected a charismatic event in the foundation's birth, and may do so again" (p. 129). But, as I understand this, it cannot remain static; instead, a "community of memory"--while "creatively rooted" in, or faith-ful to, its deep story--must always be on its way to the realization of a new charismatically gifted reality, one in which all members must participate and assume responsibility. I believe that the notion of deep story--as a paradigm--can help all of us cope with ongoing foundings and refoundings in religious life. Seen as participants in deep story, Wilhelmina Bleily, Charles Albrecht, and William Gross, Theresa Maxis Duchemin and Mary Joseph Walker and Edward Joos, Mary Felicia Jaskulski and Mary Boleslaus Rybicki, Margaret Anna Cusack, Theresia Bonzel, and Clara Pfaender, countless Benedictines, and tens of thousands of others, living and dead, can all find space and be "at home'--not comfortably, perhaps, or e~sily, but the Christian story, the deep story, is never easy or comfortable. It is, however, real, as real as the ongoing spiritual "gift" (dare I, after all this, say "charism"?) that has called so many over the centuries to fol-low the path of religious life. Notes ~ This essay was presented originally at the 1998 History of Women Religious Conference in Chicago. Though not every point is supported by refei'ences, this essay rests upon my decade-long research into the history of American women religious, including work in the archives of about seventy-five congregations and familiarity with virtually all the published materials on this subject, including historical and biographical works on over three hundred individual communities. On the subject of charism, I read all Vatican documents dealing with religious life, as well as approximately three dozen articles directly or indirectly on this sub-ject that have appeared in Review for Religious (U.S.A.) and Religious Life Review (Ireland). Many of the incidents and ideas recounted here are developed more fully in some of my previous publications; see, in par-ticular, "Discovering Foremothers: Sisters; Society, and the American Catholic Experience," U.S. Catholic Historian 5 (Summer/Autumn 1986): 273-290; "To Serve the People of God: Nineteenth-Century Sisters and the Creation of an American Catholic Religious Life," Cushwa Center Working Papers, Series 18, no. 2 (1986); "Women and American Review for Religious Catholicism, 1789-1989," in Perspectives on the Catholic Church in America, 1789-1989, ed. Virgina Geiger and Stephen Vicchio (Westminster, Maryland: Christian Classics, 1989), pp. 123-142; "Sisterhood and Power: Class, Culture, and Ethnicity in the American Convent," Colby Library Quarterly 25 (1989): 149-175; "Women, Feminism, and the New Religious History: Catholic Sisters as a Case Study," in Belief and Behavior: Essays in the New Religious History, ed. Philip VanderMeer and Robert Swierenga (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1991), pp. 136-163;."Cultural Conundrum: Sisters, Ethnicity, and the Adaptation of American Catholicism," Mid-America 74 (1992): 205-230; "The Validation of Sisterhood: Canonical Status and Liberation in the History of American Nuns," in A Leaf of the Great Tree of God: Essays in Honor of Ritamary Bradley SFCC, ed. Margot H. King (Toronto: Peregrina Publishing Co., 1994), pp. 38-78; and "Concentric Circles of Sisterhood," in Building Sisterhood: A Feminist History of the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1997), pp. 1-21. For their insights into this subject, I offer my thanks to Ritamary Bradley SFCC, Thomas J. Costello, Barbara Garland SC, James Hennesey SJ, Mary Ann Hinsdale IHM, Elizabeth A. West ICM, and many of the participants in the Sister-L internet discussion group 2 In this, SCRIS reiterates a point made in a document it issued five years earlier, Mutuae relationes: "Bishops, in union with the Roman pon-tiff, receive from Christ the head the duty (see LG §21) of discerning gifts and competencies, of coordinating multiple energies, and of guid-ing the entire people in living in the world as a sign and instrument of salvation. They, therefore, are also entrusted with the duty of caring for religious chariSms" (§9); and "It is .the duty of bishops as authentic teach-ers and guides of perfection for all the members of the diocese (see CD §§12; 15; 35, 2; and LG §§25, 45) to be the guardians likewise of fidelity to the religious vocation in the spirit of each institute . Bishops, along with their clergy, should be. firm guardians of the specific character of each religious family both in the spiritual and in the apostolic field" (§28). These passages, as well as that from EssentialElements (§41), raise some serious questions about the autonomy and integrity of religious charisms, since the implication is that they cannot be presumed to exist "authentically" until those in (external) hierarchical authority say they exist. Certainly, this is a matter deserving of substantial Consideration; but, unfoi'tunately, that is outside the scope of this paper. 3 Wilfrid Harrington, "Charism," in A New Dictionary of Theology, ed. Joseph A. Komonchak et al. (Wilmington: Michael Glazier, 1987), p. 180; The HarperCollins Encyclopedia of Catholicism, ed. Richard E McBrien (HarperSanFrancisco, 1989), pp. 299-300. 4 These figures, as well as information included in Table 1, are derived from a detailed listing of all Catholic women's apostolic communities that I have located to date that existed in the United States between 1727 and 1917. Included in this list are com.munities which, for most or all of their existence, engaged in some form of active ministry. Thus, for May-June 1999 247 24S Thompson ¯ Charism or Deep Story? instance, contemplative Benedictines are omitted, as are purely contem-plative Visitation monasteries. In compiling these data, principal sources were: Elinor Tong Dehey, Religious Orders of Women in the United States, rev. ed. (Hammond, Indiana, 1930); Joan M. Lexau, Convent Life: Roman Catholic Religious Orders for Women in North America (New York, 1964), pp. 209-387 (Index of Orders); and Evangeline Thomas, Women Religious History Sources: A Guide to Repositories in the United States (New York, 1983), pp. 169-176 (Table of U.S. Founding Dates). Some information came from other sources, which are identified on the comprehensive list in my possession. s In that respect, they bear a similarity to the rest of the 149 U.S. con-gregations that have more individualized origins and have "founders" that they share, if at all, with only a handful of others. I shall return a bit later to the question of charism as it affects them. 6 All eight of the first indigenous communities of women studied by Barbara Misner in her landmark work, "Highly Respectable and Accomplished Ladies": Catholic Women Religious in America, 1790-18Y0 (New York: Garland, 1988), devoted most or all of their early ministerial energies to teaching. So did the vast majority of foundations initiated from abroad-- including the first in what is now the United States, the New Orleans Ursulines (founded in 1727). By 1884 the U.S. bishops, gathered at the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore and extremely concerned about "leak-age" from the faith, paid tribute to the success of these pioneers (and to their belief that the education of youth was the best way to keep people within the church) by their declaration that every parish in the country should establish at least one school within the next two years. That, in turn, increased the demand for religious teachers (the overwhelming majority of them women, and sisters), just as the "new immigration" (c. 1880-1917) from heavily Catholic eastern and southern Europe was get-ting underway. See also Gerald Shaughnessy, Has the Immigrant Kept the Faith? (New York: Macmillan, 1925); "The Pastoral Letter of 1884," in The National Pastorals of the American Hierarchy (1792-1919), ed. Peter Guilday (Washington, D.C.: National Catholic Welfare Council, 1923), pp. 280-282; Thompson, "Women and American Catholicism," p. 125. 7 This Guide (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1964) appeared in six editions, the first in 1952 and the last in 1966. The 1964 edition was selected for use here because it appeared only one year before Perfectae caritatis called upon religious to renew themselves "in the spirit of their founders," thereby initiating the whole postconciliar emphasis on "charism." It should be noted that McCarthy acquired his information from the communities; therefore, these are the founding stories that the sisters themselves had identified and transmit-ted to him for inclusion. s I have written extensively elsewhere about the fact that many of these stories bear little or no resemblance to reality. That is, communi-ties which traditionally cited clerics as founders have, since Vatican II, in quite a number of cases, identified and reclaimed women as their prin- Review for Religious cipal initiators. Nevertheless, we cannot dismiss the significance of these founding stories (often recounted and thereby reinforced for several gen-erations) either. Whether or not men actually took the principal initia-tive in founding particular communities, it did affect the self-understandings of hundreds of sisters who were taught, and who believed, that the men had done so. 9 William Humphrey SJ, Elements of Religious Life, 2nd ed. (London: Thomas Baker, 1903), p. 164. 10 p. Lothar Hardick OFM, He Leads, I Follow: The Life of Mother Maria Theresia Bonzel, Foundress of the Sisters of St. Francis of Perpetual Adoration, trans. Sisters M. Honora Hau and M. Clarahilda Fischer (Colorado Springs, I971), pp. 23, 30-31, 185-186. Ironically, perhaps, Pfaender later separated and founded her own religious congregation, which also was Franciscan (known in the U.S. as the Wheaton [Illinois] Franciscans): M. Brunilde Probst, The Burning Seak Mother Mary Clara Pfaender, 1827- 1882 (Chicago: Franciscan Herald Press, 1960). n The founding of the community is recounted in great detail in Vol. 1 of Josephine Marie Peplinski SSJ-TOSF, A Fitting Response: The History of the Sisters of St. Joseph of the Third Order of St. Francis (South Bend, Indiana: priv. pub., 1982, 1992); material here is taken specifically from Vol. 2, pp. ix, 49-50, 239 (italics in the original). Jaskulski was superior general for 1902-1908, 1918-1928, 1940-1942 (when she died); Rybicki was superior general for 1908-1918. Both were perpetually in leader-ship, either as head of the congregation or on its council, from its foun-dation until their deaths (Ryb!cki died in 1926); their lives, spiritualities, and contrasting administrations are described meticulously in chapters 1, 4, and 5 of Vol. 2. I also have written about the SSJ-TOSF story; see esp. "Sisterhood and Power" and "Cultural Conundrum" (see note 1). 12Judith Sutera OSB, True Daughters: Monastic Identity and American Benedictine Women's History (Atchison: priv. pub., 1987); M. Incarnata Girgen, Behind the Beginnings (St. Joseph, Minnesota: priv. pub., 1981); Ephrem Hollermann, The Reshaping of a Tradition: American Benedictine Women, 1852-1881 (Vv'inona: St. Mary's Press, 1994). ~3 Sutera, True Daughters, esp. chaps. 4-5 and pp. 38, 42, 53-56. 14 McCarthy, 1964 Guide, pp. 195-197. ,s Dorothy A. Vidulich, Peace Pays a Price: A Study of Margaret Anna Cusack, the Nun ofKenmare, 2nd ed. (Washington, D.C., priv. pub., 1990; orig. 1975); see also Irene Ffrench Edgar, Margaret Anna Cusack (Dublin: Women's Press, 1979); Margaret Anna Cusack, The Nun of Kenmare: An Autobiography (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1891). 16 The Monroe IHM story is told in fascinating detail throughout Building Sisterhood (see note 1, above); see, in particular, Marita-Constance Supan IHM, "Dangerous Memory: Mother M. Theresa Maxis Duchemin and the Michigan Congregation of the Sisters, IHM," pp. 31-67; Suzanne Fleming IHM, "She Who Remained: Mother Mary Joseph Walker and the 'Refounding' of the IHM Congregation," pp. 69-92; and Thompson, May-Jutte 1999 Thompson ¯ Cbarinn or Deep Story? "Concentric Circles," esp. pp. 5-8, and "Part l:The Context," pp. 25-28. L7 Fleming, "She Who Remained," p. 91; Margaret Brennan IHM, "'No Two Exactly Alike': IHM Spirituality," in Building Sisterhood, pp. 95-109; see also Rosalita Kelly IHM, No Greater Service: The History of the Congregation of the Sisters, Servants of the Immaculate Heart of Mary (Monroe: priv. pub., 1948), esp. p. 132. L8 McCarthy, 1964 Guide, p. 325. ~9 The SSMO story is told with honesty in Wilfred P. Schoenberg SJ, These Valiant Women: History of the Sisters of St. Mary of Oregon, 1886- 1986 (Portland: priv. pub., 1986)~ I also have read Wilhelmina's diary in the SSMO archives, Beaverton, Oregon. Three of the original members of the Ohio group left it during the days in Wisconsin and became found-ing members in 1869 (one of them first superior when the group was of officially established) of the Franciscan Sisters of Christian Charity in Manitowoc; see M, Teresita Kit~:ell OSF, Refining His Silver: Pioneer Days of the Franciscan Sisters of Christian Charity, Manitowoc, Wisconsin, 1866- 1911 (Manitowoc: priv. pub., 1979). This, among other things, serves to document the length of time that the: schismatic "cult" was in existence before the SSMO's "founding" in 1886. 20 Bernard Lee SM, "A Socio-Historical Theology of Charism," Review for Religious 48, no. 1 (1989): 124-135; see also Doris Gottemoeller RSM, "Befriending the Wind," Review for Religious 53, no. 6 (1994): esp. p. 811. n See also Stephen Crites, "The Narrative Quality of Experience," Journal of the American Academy of Religion 39 (1971). Open Wounds Be bold, twin brother. Probe the wounds doubt demands to see. The gash is but entrance to his heart. Pry it wide to penetrate the core. Review for Religious Demand and desire, too, are twins that seek to let his hallowed, hollow hands transform old hurts to quiet awe. , ~Eugene Cartier ELIZABETH McDONOUGH The Need for Self-Criticism: Affirmative Comments I n the United States the precipitous decline in numbers of postolic women religious since Vatican Council II will surely have far-reaching consequences for all segments of the church as the third millennium begins. Church-related educational and healthcare institutions will probably continue to be transferred to nonecclesial and sometimes for-profit auspices, and many Catholics may grow up unaware that apostolic congregations of women reli-gious exist as ways of life that could have appealed to them. ~ Recently, in commenting on the years of renewal in religious life since Vatican II, Sister Doris Gottemoeller RSM noted that "for the most part we have not identified and reflected on the learnings" from this experience and that "critical reflection on our present reality" has been lacking.1 She is currently president of the Sisters of Mercy of the Americas, is a recent past president of the Leadership Conference of Women Religious (LCWR), was a participant in the 1994 Synod on Consecrated Life, and is one of the original members of the Catholic Common Ground Initiative. Her comments may represent a pivotal change in perspective by someone in an influential leadership position. And, since critical self-appraisal has been neither prevalent nor popular among American women religious since Vatican II, her comments may also represent a significant change at this time. Elizabeth McDonough OP has written the Canonical Counsel column in this journal since our issue of July-August 1990 and has contributed several other articles as well. Her address is P.O. Box 29260; Washington, D.C. 20017. ,~'h~y-~une 1999 McDonougb * The Need for Self-Criticism Though voices of criticism have consistently been raised about the postconciliar renewal efforts of religious life--by members of the hierarchy, by diocesan and religious clergy, by lay people, and by sisters themselves--critical reflection from without or from within has frequently been openly excluded Or quietly ignored in many, and perhaps most, women's apostolic communities. Over the years, members of women's religious communities have, in both speech and writing, lodged various objections to the general direction the path of postconciliar change was taking, a path that people now see as leading to pos-sible demise. The objections made over the years concerned, among other matters, the tendency towards having women religious governed by groups or by intermediate administrative personnel rather than by specific individuals elected to particular offices; the steady move-ment towards (so-called) total-participation chapters, which fre-quently exclude actual participation for many sisters; the general abandonment of easily recognizable identity symbols, along with the failure to maintain various community practices that many found meaningful; the increased use of open placement regarding sisters' employment, with the concomitant results of expanded apostolic diversity, an inability of congregations to make or meet institutional commitments, and the lessening of opportunities for community living. But in many women's congregations such objec-tions have not been well received by leadership or by segments of the membership. Moreover, although explicit internal objections regarding prevalent renewal patterns seem to have diminished over the years and to be somewhat rare now, it seems that members who still wish to embrace a renewed but traditional form of religious life (and who may be in their sixties, seventies, or even eighties) now channel their efforts elsewhere because of their experience of func-tional or systematic exclusion from effecting changes in internal governance. Many now direct their energies to living the remain-ing years of their vowed life by witnessing simply to the values they have consistently embraced but felt circumstantially unable to practice during much of the course of renewal. That is, they now consciously seek opportunities to live in common, to share com-munity prayer, and to minister in an apostolate traditionally related to their charism. Meanwhile, younger members--that is, mem-bers mostly under fifty--have initiated regular intra- and inter- Review for Religious congregational gatherings and networking in search of mutual sup-port and deeper religious meaning. Regarding various community renewal policies and proce-dures, then, numbers of community members have voiced explicit criticism--and by their practice have made some implicit criticism unmistakably clear too. Beyond this criticism arising from within apostolic communities of women religious, critical assessments have come also from people outside these communities. These assess-ments have been met with a similar pattern of rejection. Comments that even border on being critical have been categorically discountenanced as arising variously from arrogant, intemperate, shallow, uninformed, traditionalist, or ignorant sources. Criticism from the hierarchy and diocesan clergy seems often to have been excluded because they are regarded as hopelessly embedded in patriarchy. Criticism from religious priests seems to have been judged unacceptable because they are con-sidered to be unduly influenced by their experience of clerical advantage. And criticism from lay people seems to have been readily rejected because many of them are viewed as harboring unrealistic expectations of a lifestyle in which they do not share. Indeed, a pattern of negative reaction to critical assessmentsof what has happened since Vatican II is evident in responses to a recent article concerning possible causes for the current dearth of religious vocations in some communi-ties) It often appears that only certain internal, ostensibly self-perpetuating authorities or select special-interest groups are judged as adequately expressing the renewa! process among women reli-gious. Any suggestion from any source that any viable religious life in the future might diverge from the direction envisioned by the prevailing progressive model seems to be all too readily con-sidered as patently reactionary, as categorically negative, as arro-gantly uninformed, as judgmentally ignoring women's unique lived Any suggestion from any source that any viable religious life in the future might diverge from the direction envisioned by the prevailing progressive model seems to be all too readily considered as patently reactionary. ;'~,lay-JuJle 1999 254 McDonough ¯ The Need for Self-Criticism experience, as unfairly critical, or as an emotionally immature attachment to a former way of life) Furthermore, as postconciliar renewal has continued, it is not only critical observations that have been shunned .by women reli-gious in this country. Significant research data and pointed rec-ommendations from comprehensi'be sociological studies have also been embraced only selectively and implemented only sporadi-cally. Results from the ongoing, multifaceted, and controversial "Sisters' Survey"--as formulated and conducted under the direc-tion of sociologist Marie Augusta Neal SNDdeN--were systemat-ically distributed to participating congregations, published in several books~ and regularly reported at national meetings of major superiors from 1967 through the late 1980s. In stark contrast, amazingly little attention has been given to the more recent findings of psychologists David Nygren CM and Miriam Ukeritis CgJ. These researchers surprised participants at a 1992 Chicago workshop when, in presenting data from their study on the Future of Religious Orders in the United States (abbreviated as FORUS), they announced that many religious communities in this country had only a "ten-year window" in which to alter the present course of decline if they wished to perdure many years into the third millennium. The conferences of major superiors (CMSM and LCWR) were directly involved in the planning and execution of the FORUS study, which rendered some startling results about reli-gious in the United States. Included in these discoveries were. a lack of role clarity among religious (especially in apostolic groups of women), a high degree of cultural assimilation by religious, a general ministerial invisibility of religious, a relative dearth of effec-tive leadership in most religious communities, an apparently less-ened inclination to sacrifice among religious, and a widespread loss of institutional commitments by religious congregations.4 More than half a decade has passed since Nygren and Ukeritis projected that there was only a "ten-year window" of opportunity for the viability of religious institutes in America. During this time the FORUS findings seem to have gone largely unheeded or to have been relegated to convenient oblivion. Could it be that this study was greeted with a less than enthusiastic response precisely because its findings were unpopular among the group being assessed? For, indeed, the FORUS results did not shower unbounded accolades on the postconciliar transformation of reli-gious life in America; did not unquestioningly advocate contin- Review for Religious ued pursuit of the progressive model of renewal, and did not offer unrestrained optimism for the future prospects of religious insti-tutes. Or could it be that the FORUS findings, perceived as being all too accurate, were simply too painful to accept and conse-quently were met with at least unconscious denial at individual and collective levels in most congregations, particularly those of women religious? Over the years, religious in several areas of expertise have also sounded calls for critical reassessment of current practices in light of the manifest patterns of continuing decline in religious institutes. These calls, too, seem largely unheeded. The historical and sociological analyses of Raymond Fitz SM and Lawrence Cada SM, which appeared in the mid 1970s, got little attention after several months of popular discussion. Their work said quite clearly that probably only a small fraction of the then extant communi-ties would successfully negotiate post- Vatican renewal efforts,s Might the brief notice that Fitz and Cada's anal-yses received.be due, at least in part, to their intimation that religious con-gregations over the centuries have had identifiable lifespans, that many con-gregations did not last long after a per-vasive experience of absolute doubt regarding purpose, and that this seemed to be precisely the situa-tion at that time for thousands of religious in America? In 1983 CARA (Center for Applied Research in the Apostolate) in Washington, D.C., published a translation of the 1972 land-mark monograph of Raymond Hostie SJ, Vie et mort des ordres religieux, on which the Fitz and Cada material was directly based.6 The introduction to this booklet, by historian Dolores Liptak RSM, explains its significance, its application to ~enewal among American religious and specifically women religious. But this, too, appears to have received only scant attention within women's communities in the United States. All through the early 1990s, Eleace King IHM, of CAR& pub-lished data about--and reasons for--the steady decline in voca- Religious in several areas of expertise have also sounded calls for critical reassessment of current practices in light of the manifest patterns of continuing decline in religious institutes. 255 May-,]une 1999 McDonougb * The Need for Self-Criticism tions to progressively oriented communities along with parallel data about the constant flow of vocations to traditional groups.7 Little note, however, has been taken of these results. At the beginning of this decade, David O'Connor ST offered a balanced and readable summary of the various cultura!, eccle-sial, theological, and ideological shifts that may be contributing to the (possible) disappearance of many religious institutes in this country; but his work is rarely cited or even referenced in reli-gious- life circles.8 In 1991 I myself published what the editor of America magazine referred to as a "trenchant critique" of the then prevailing trends in religious life, while the editor of First Things described it as "a first-rate analysis of what has gone awry in the many worlds of American religion."9 This analysis and critique received an overwhelming positive response from members of reli-gious communities around the world, but it was simultaneously greeted with resounding silence from those in leadership. Albert DiIanni SM has offered thoughtful considerations based on his experience of the renewal of religious life as it currently relates to religion, to modernity, to modern psychology, to com-munity, to decreasing vocations, and to certain laicizing trends in the post-Vatican II era; but his observations have been met with either studied unconcern or strident rejectionJ° And little heed has been paid to the recent, assessment of sociologist Patricia Wittberg SC that the future of most religious communities is severely limited--if not rather bleak---precisely because a coinci-dence of internal and external factors has resulted in a collapse of their ideological framework and a lessening or elimination of their functional supports.~ Regarding postconciliar religiousqife trans-formation, are only laudatory comments able to be perceived as having any meaning and value for communities of women reli-gious in America today? In many of these communities, a pattern of dismissing with studied disdain or even open derision any factual data that leads to disconcerting conclusions about their lives has been ill too evi-dent in the response to Ann Carey's recent book, a book (widely conceded to be well documented) that details decisions and actions taken in the decades since Vatican II within the conference of major superiors for women's institutes.~2 Note, hbwever, that Lora Ann Quifionez CDP and Mary Daniel Turner SNDdeN published a book earlier in the decade that traced precisely the same era of transi-tion and detailed most of the same topics, but from a different Review for Religious perspective and with less specific documentation.13 In contrast to Carey's work, the Quifionez-Turner book was well received and has been highly touted as an accurate portrait of renewal. Yet both books present renewal as deliberately intended and carefully planned. Both books address the influence of cultural context, the impa6t of the Sisters' Survey, the effect of feminist initiatives, the disruption from internal conference conflicts, the consequences of hierarchic confrontations, and other such topics in reference to postconciliar religious life. Both books name those who were instrumental in the renewal process at national and local levels in this country. And the authors of both books offer assessments of what has actually occurred. Could the disparity in recep-tion of these two works be due at least in part to the fact that the Quifionez- Turner book evaluates these happen-ings positively while the Carey book views the results as more than slightly wide of the mark envisioned by Perfectae caritatis? To be sure, journalist Carey is a laywoman who judged the evidence she amassed as anything but complimen-tary to the renewal process and those who directed it, and she called for critical reassessment of renewal results. On the other hand, Quifionez and Turner are women religious--both former executive secretaries of LCWR and both instrumental in effecting the postconciliar transformation--who judged the results thus far as entirely positive and urged further development along the same course of renewal. It is a truism of historical scholarship that those attempting an analysis of a set of events need a realistic broad familiarity with the historical context. But does this explain why the perspective on religious-life renewal presented by those who guided it should so readily be judged more accurate or more objective or more accept-able than the perspective of someone who has carefully pored over official documentation and verifiable data and has her own lived familiarity with post-Vatican II renewal? Could it be that negative assessments of religious-life renewal from whatever source are Could it be that negative assessments of religious-life renewal from whatever source are simply unacceptable to women religiousm for whatever reason ? 257 May-June 1999 McDonougb ¯ The Need for Self-Criticism t_g_ 1 simply unacceptable to women religious--for whatever reason? For an explanation of the present situation of decline and demise, are many women religious simply incapable of looking further than a speculatively fascinating and vaguely consoling convergence of sociological circumstances that impact religious life fr0m outside? Is none of the decline and demise of the past thirty-three years attributable to decisions made and actions taken within religious communities? Have dispersed ministries and secular attire (with lapel pins) and apartment living had absolutely no detrimental effect, whether expected or not? Are women religious able to look at none of the above? And, if so, why? Though the suggestion made ten years ago by sociologist Wittberg that the behavioral patterns among congregations of women religious might "actually be dysfunctional for organiza-tional survival" appears to have been effectively ignored, it may well identify a pertinent reality that needs to be at least acknowl-edged- if not directly addressed--by religious congregations of women today.14 And perhaps women religious would also do well to attend to the warning, offered in 1988 by psychologist Donna Markham OP, that the positive perception they had of themselves did not match the perception of others--something that did not bode well for vocations.~s Indeed, with rare exception, vocations have declined steadily throughout the decade since Markham's observation, and in most communities of apostolic women reli-gious the median age has gradually increased. " True enough, religious life is not merely a functional institu-tion, and it certainly ought not to be reduced to a numbers game. But is it unrealistic to suggest that a minimal number of members is needed for a community to perdure, to serve effectively, and to hand on a religious tradition? And, when women religious look over their shoulder for younger women walking in their footsteps and see no one there, is it really unfair to surmise that what they have been fashioning since Vatican II may not be a viable form of future religious life after all? Or, again, when congregations begin realistically to project that by the year 2010 fewer than ten percent of their members will be under sixty-five years of age, is it unduly critical to suggest that someone somewhere somehow may have made some decision(s) in the three-plus decades of post-Vatican II renewal that ought seriously to be reassessed and perhaps even altered? I think not. Review for Religious Indeed, on the part of women religious in America (and per-haps elsewhere in the world, too), some possibly difficult but gen-uinely constructive self-criticism and some corrective change of course in various aspects of postconciliar renewal ought to be hon-esdy welcomed.'6 And both may be long overdue, because the real-ity at issue has import far beyond the ever-dwindling numbers of ever-aging apostolic women religious themselves. Notes 1 Doris Gottemoeller, "Religious Life: Where Does It Fit in Today's Church?" in Review for Religious 57, no. 3 (March-April 1998): 146- 160. 2 Albert Dilanni, "A View of Religious Vocations," America 178, no. 6 (28 February 1998): 8-12. 3 See various responses to the Dilanni article (note 2 above) among letters to the editor in the March and early April issues of 1998. 4 David J. Nygren and Miriam D. Ukeritis, "The Religious Life Futures Project: Executive Summary," Review for Religious 52, no. 1 (January-February 1993): 6-55; also. Origins 22, no. 15 (24 September 1992): 257-272. s Lawrence Cada and Raymond Fitz, "The Recovery of Religious Life," Review for Religious 34, no. 5 (September-October 1975): 690-718. 6 Raymond Hostie, /,qe et mort des ordres religieux (Paris: Descl~e, 1972), translated for a limited English edition as The Life and Death of Religious Orders (Washington, D.C.: CAP, A, 1983). 7 See the CARA Formation Directory for Men and Women Religious (Washington, D.C.: CARA) as edited by Eleace King IHM for the years 1991, 1992, 1993, and 1994-1995. s David O'Connor, Witness and Service (New York: Paulist Press, 1990), pp. 145-162. 9 See, respectively, Elizabeth McDonough, "Beyond the Liberal Model: Quo Vadis?" Review for Religious 50, no. 3 (March-April 1991): 178-188; editorial in America for 13 July 1991; and "The Public Square," First Things, no. 17 (November 1991). ,0 Albert DiIanni, Religious Life as Adventure (New York: Alba House, 1994). " Patricia Wittberg, The Rise and Fall of Catholic Religious Orders (New York: SUNY Press, 1994). ,2 Ann Carey, Sisters in Crisis (Huntington, Indiana: Our Sunday Visitor, 1997). ,3 Lora Ann Quifionez and Mary Daniel Turner, The Transformation of American Catholic Sisters (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992). ,4 Patricia Wittberg, "Outward Orientation in Declining 259 May-June 1999 McDonough ¯ The Need for Self-Criticism Organizations: Reflections on LCWR Documents," in Claiming Our Truth, ed. Nadine Foley (Washington, D.C.: LCWR, 1988), pp, 91-105. 15 Donna Markham, "The Decline of Vocations in the United States: Reflections from a Psychological Perspective," New Catholic World 231, no. 1381 (January-February 1988): 13-17. 16 See, for example, the recent comments of Doris Gottemoeller, "Religious Life in Crisis," Origins 28, no. 36 (25 February 1999): 634- 638. The Treasure Long ago a rainbow arc'd my storm-tossed sky, and the pot of gold I found then is still bottomless. Since that serendipitous moment, faith has claimed its reality. I see with clarity--over the clouds, beyond the rains--that joy and pain alike qualify to mine the treasure, provide the coin to buy the Kingdom, here on the green earth for a time, and there in the meadows of Eternity. Anna Marie Mack SSJ Review for Religious LARRY N. LORENZONI The Annuario Pontificio The Vatican's "Pontifical Yearbook" and a Recent Editorial Decision Fourteen years ago the Religious Life Review, edited in Dublin by Father Austin Flannery OP, published an arti-cle with the catchy title "The Single Sex Church of the Annuario Pontificio." Its opening paragraphs noted the almost total absence of women's names in the church's official directory. The same article was later reprinted in Sisters Today with a milder title: "The Annuario Pontificio and Women in the Church." The Annuario Pontificio is the 4.25"-by-6.5" 2500- page yearbook of the Roman Catholic Church. Bound in red cloth with a golden papal coat of arms on the cover, it contains annually updated information about the College of Cardinals, all archbishops and bishops (with basic facts about their respective dioceses), all prelates and abbots, the secretariat of state, the Roman tribunals, congregations, councils, and commissions, the Vatican Library, the church's worldwide diplomatic representa-tives (nuncios and pronuncios), all the ambassadors accredited to the Holy See, the administration of Vatican City, all officially approved religious orders of men and Larry N. Lorenzoni SDB, a Salesian priest, served in the late 1980s as director of the documentation, information, and press office of Caritas Internationalis in Rome. Currently director of development for his province, he may be addressed at Salesians of St. John Bosco; 1100 Franklin Street; San Francisco, California 94109. 1999 261 A former noteworthy feature of the Annuario was the almost total absence of females in its pages. 262 Lorenzoni ¯ Tlse Annuario Pontifido of women, academies, atheneums, pontifical universities (six: Gregoriana, Lateranense, Urbaniana, San Tommaso d'Aquino [Angelicum], Salesiana, and the new Santa Croce), a number of seminaries and colleges, and various other institutes and cultural organizations. The Annuario closes with a hundred pages of historical notes and six hundred pages of alphabetical lists: names of all the dio-ceses, prelatures~ and titular dioceses (in their Latin adjectival form, Latin noun form, and modern Roman-alphabet form) and the names and page references of some 25,000 persons. It is a fascinat-ing book. Of the 151 living cardinals listed in the 1997 Annuario (to cite a rather significant fact one can easily cull from its pages), 4 were created by Pope John xxIII, 31 by Paul vI, and 116 by Pope John Paul II. A former noteworthy feature of the Annuario--it used to distinguish it from virtually eve .ry other directory in the world--was the almost total absence of females in its pages. The alpha-betical list at the end of the directory was conse-quently 99.99 percent male. Historical, doctrinal, and traditional considerations are essential for a proper understanding of this situation. One page from the 1985 article (in RLR) found its way to the Vatican underground and quickly became the subject of some interesting conversa-tions during my four years (1986-1990) at Caritas Internationalis, the church's worldwide charity wing. In the penthouses of Palazzo San Callisto, where the Caritas offices are located (near Santa Maria in Trastevere), lived a number of active and retired cardinals (Roger Etchegaray, Bernardin Gantin, Paul Poupard, Ferdinando Antonelli, Francesco Carpino, and Francis Arinze). I came to know best Cardinal Francis Arinze, from Nigeria, the genial president of the Pontifical Council for Interreligious Dialogue. Occasionally I see him mentioned among the papabili and featured as a speaker on Mother Angelica's EWTN television programs. He is keenly intelligent and friendly, a good listener, articulate and ever an opti-mist. Open to new ideas, he weighs carefully all arguments against the truths of the faith and then follows them courageously t6 their logical conclusions. I remember in particular one conversation I had with him at Review for Religious Palazzo San Callisto, a conversation occasioned by some para-graphs from that December 1985 article (of mine) in RLR, which some friend had shared with him. The paragraphs are these: One glaring lacuna [in the Annuario Pontificio] is hard to understand, and even harder to accept, because of the anger it is likely to provoke today when everyone is being increas-ingly sensitized against all kinds of discrimination. I am refer-ring to the omission of the names of the superiors general of women religious where the individual congregations are listed with the address of the generalate and current information as to the number of foundations and of professed members. .This anomaly came to my attention when I needed to check the spelling of the name of the new mother general of our Salesian sisters. I had just looked up the name of the superior general of the Fathers of Mercy (whose ad I had seen in The Wanderer), so I turned instinctively to the Annuario for the answer to my question. It was not as sim-ple as I thought. For every male congregation, the name of the superior general is invariably given (and, in 99 percent of the cases, also that of the procurator general). One learns, for instance, that the Very Rev. John O'Brien is the superior general of the Fathers of Mercy (an order founded in 1808), even though the order has only seven members worldwide. Fifty-four religious orders of men have less than I00 pro-fessed members, seven have 25 or fewer, but in each case the name of the general is prominently displayed. I was chagrined to discover that in the case of the orders and congregations of women one looks in vain in the Annuario for the names of the mothers general. Some 120 of those congregations have a membership of over 1000 sis-ters. In vain did I look for the name of the superior general of the Salesian sisters, even though the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians, as they are officially known, have a worldwide membership of nearly 18,000. They are the sec-ond largest congregation of women in the church, after the 34,000 Daughters of Charity of St. Vincent de Paul. Such a discriminatory omission tends to reinforce all the worst stereotypes one hears about the institutional church and its treatment of women, since it conveys a number of admittedly unintentional but nonetheless inescapable mes-sages: (1) Women are of little consequence in the church. (2) The father superior of ten men is more important than the mother superior of I0,000 women. (3) Names of females, no matter how important, need not be listed in the Annuario because the church does not discuss matters of consequence with them anyway. (4)Male religious superiors are routinely consulted, and hence it is necessary to have their names listed May-June 199.9 Lorenzoni ¯ The AnnuarioPontificio in the Annuario, but listing the flames of the superiors gen-eral of women does not serve any useful purpose since very rarely does one need to know who they are and even less deal or correspond with them. (5) Sisters are supposed to accept obediently and without too many questions whatever Holy Mother Church says. Unfortunately, in the thinking of many, Holy Mother Church is often equated with male power structure. No dissenting voice was heard from those who had joined our conversation. Both retired Cardinal Francesco Carpino (a man of rare nobility, who died 5 October 1993) and Cardinal Francis Arinze agreed that the Annuario should at long last join the mod-ern age and list the names of women religious superiors alongside those of their male counterparts. But Rome moves slowly. The 16 December 1994 issue of Commonweal carried this item under its Et Cetera rubric: Speaking in support of requests by women's religious orders for an end to discrimination by the church against women, Archbishop Maurice Couture of Quebec pointed to the 1993 Vatican Yearbook (Annuario Pontificio); it lists the names of the superiors general of all institutes of men, but none of the names of the superiors general of women (Origins, November 3). Good for the archbishop, but he's ten years late. Writing in Religious Life Review for November-December 1985, our correspondent Larry Lorenzoni SDB [Correspondence, November 18] recalled turning to the Annuario to find the name of the superior general of the Fathers of Mercy, an order founded in 1808 which has seven members worldwide. The name was there: the Very Rev. John O'Brien. He also looked for the name of the superior general of the Salesian sisters, the second largest congregation of women in the church: nearly 18,000 members. No name. Some of the mes-sages conveyed (Father Lorenzoni, a kind man, says they are "admittedly unintentional but nonetheless inescapable"): "Women are of little consequence in the church; the father superior of ten men is more important than the mother supe-rior of 10,000 women; there's no point in publishing the names of women superiors because who needs to know them." I have before me the 1997 edition of the Annuario Pontificio. I see with some personal satisfaction that each religious congrega-tion of women now routinely carries, as an additional entry, the name of the mother general. The change can safely be labeled "routine" since it started with the Annuario's 1996 edition. Review for Religious No doubt, some gentle nudging by a few highly placed mem-bers of the College of Cardinals, as well as by bishops convinced that the previous practice was clearly discriminatory, helped level the field. Word eventually reached the offices of the Vatican sec-retariat of state, on which the Annuario Pontificio depends, and suitable action followed with the publication of the 1996 edition. A recent phone call to the secretariat of state enabled me to reach Angela Zanetti, a most personable and knowlegeable lady who was for twenty-six years connected with the production of the Annuario. Her new supervisor, Monsignore Fermenti, intro-duced her to me as a "walking encyclopedia on the history of the Annuario Pontificio." Here are some interesting facts from our con-versation: ¯ The first list of male religious orders (Istituti Mascbili) appeared in the 1838 edition of the Annuario. ¯ The first list of female religious orders (Istituti Femminih) appeared 98 years later, in the 1940 edition, without the name of the mother general. ¯ The two lists continued to be published (Ordini Mascbili first, Ordini Femminili second) in the years following, each order of men shouting prominently the name of the general, each order of women lacking that particular information. * At last, in the 1996 edition, for the very first time, the information concerning each religious order of women included also the name of the mother general, as had previously been done for even the smallest reli-gious orders of men. I am reminded of what Pat Paulsen, the late tongue-in-cheek presidential candidatei once said with his usual aplomb: "No one should be denied equal rights because of the shape of their skin." Subs'criptions to Review for Religious can flow b~ ordered,or renewedoby FAX; and paid forby Ma~terCard ~o'r Visd. FA~ the order form inside the back cover, or cALL our o~c~ ~wi~ "th your credit card number: IF~: 31z~-977~7362 0, ~'HONE: 314-977-7363 1999 JOAN A. RANGE Women and Canon Law Cbanon law, as a support for the life of the community of elievers, that is, the church, has a history almost as old as the community itself. Over the centuries, its formulation has not been the work of women, a fact that is readily understandable. Women did not have the status nor society the liberality for that kind of contribution. Women were, however, a vital part of the church and society: in the church as members of the various ordines that supported the living community and in society as wives and mothers2 History witnesses to this fact and those roles. Women's lives, moreover, were guided by the protection, pre-scriptions, and sanctiohs of the church's law. In church courts of the ¯ Middle Ages, women were parties to suits brought against alleged violations and also were sued for alleged violations of others' rights. The activity of women in the world of canon law is well attested to in the church's history.2 But as members who formulated the law or who addressed the church's courts (defending others or doing advocate work for oth-ers) or judged cases (even as collegiate judges), all this women never did until this century. In this century women have performed all these functions in their own right as members of the church and as canon lawyers. The future is clear for their continued func-tioning to be even more vigorous. This rather astonishing fact needs consideration. Given the absence of women in all these roles before this century, how did this change come about? Joan A. Range ASC is associate professor in the Department of Theological Studies at Saint Loui~ University. Her address is Humanities Bui_lding; 3800 Lindell Boulevard; St. Louis, Missouri 63108. Review for Relig4ous Women's Status in Canon Law ~ Before this century, as a rule women's status was that of persons limited before the law. Mostly, women were considered--as were minors and the mentally incompetent--unable in their own person and name to bring a case before the court. This reflected Roman law, from which much of canon law is derived. When, however, asso-ciations of women became moral persons with rights and duties in the law, they were able to bring cases to court, as history shows. Besides bringing cases to the church's tribunals when their rights were being infringed or violated, women were also sued by others if the petitioner felt that his own rights were being infringed or violated by women. This was often a matter of property rights. As time progressed it might also be a matter of marriage rights as well, especially when it concerned the legitimacy of children and their right to inherit. Other than these cases, however, women's presence in~ the laws themselves usually had to do with their status within the church and society, that is, as daughters, wives, moth-ers, widows, nuns, or women of ill repute. Beginning early in the church's history, the protection of wid-ows and orphans was a great concern since these groups were socially the most vulnerable. As time passed and Roman law found its way into the church's mentality, other laws concerning women were developed to protect the virgin from marriage if she resisted, from abduction and rape, and later as a member of a community of consecrated women) Most of the legislation had to do with the women as wives and mothers, however, and especially with their ability to bear children. Laws agains.t adultery, contraception, and abortion were the most prominent since they infringed upon the husband's potency, paternity, or virility.4 Apart from these matters, women as individual persons were not dealt with in the church's laws. The 1917 Code did not always treat women equally with men, as studies testify.5 The 1983 Code, in contrast, states that the "there exists among all the Christian faithful a true equality with regard to dignity and the activity whereby all cooperate in the building up of the Body of Christ in accord with each one's own condition and function.''6 The excep-tion to this is when the nature of the case clearly indicates other-wise, such as the laws having to do with ordination.7 Women began to engage themselves in the activities of the Canon Law Society of America (CLSA) since about the middle of this century. It is that story upon which we now focus. May-June 1999 ,267 Range * Women and Canon Law Women and the Canon Law Society of America The pivotal event for the growth in female membership in the CLSA was the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965).8 Before that event there were clear hints that the status of women in the world and in the church needed to be addressed.9 The council documents, too, indicated those concerns,l° In the United States, women's professional involvement in canon law began in the mid 1960s. Clara Marie Henning, the first woman to become a member of CLSA, applied for membership in 1968. She was then a student in the School of Canon Law at the Catholic University of America, from which she later received the licentiate in canon law (JCL). Other women were members of the CLSA, but their reason for membership was their position as supe-riors of religious orders, not their status as canon lawyers. Even before Vatican II, beginning with Pope Pius XrlI, efforts had been made by the church to bring about a simplification and an updating within the various orders and congregations of women religious worldwide.~ This was a remote cause for interest in canonical matters and membership in the CLSA. After the documents of the council and the implementation decrees of Pope Paul vI had been issued, there was a need and desire to learn about canon law and its usefulness in the efforts of religious congregations toward adaptation and renewal. These efforts had a significant effect on the work during the 1970s toward formulating the new and revised Code. Initially, then, the impetus for women to become members of the CLSA was that congregations of women religious might derive more benefit from canon law. Another reason for women to begin studying canon law and to become members of the CLSA was an academic one. As Catholic universities opened graduate programs in theology for lay people, some women students became interested in pursuing degrees in canon law. This interest included both the relation of canon law to theology and the historical development of canon law. The membership records of the CLSA are limited in a number of ways. For many year~ the records were the responsibility of the coordinator and were not kept in a permanent office. It was only in 1980 that a full-time director and staff began to have an office (with a permanent place for records)at the Catholic University of America. The records up to 1979 were given to the Cushwa Center for .the Study of American Catholicism and are available there as archival records. The membership records are incom- Review for Religious plete, however, because they were not systematically kept, a not uncommon omission when an organization's importance is not understood in its early days22 Nevertheless, the records show a remarkable growth in female membership after the mid 1960s. In 1968 there were hardly five women members. In 1971 the first woman was elected to national office in the CLSA.13 This event witnessed to a movement within the society to include women as active members. In 1976 there were 38 women members; by 1984 there were 139. The 1990 directory lists almost 200 women members.~4 At' the time of the 1996 direc-tory, the female membership stood at 223 out of a total of 1557 members, or about 14 percent. The history of the growth of the membership of women in the CLSA is part of the growth of la~Yomember-ship. Already in1,37 the CLSA's committee on membership was concerned with appropriate criteria. The concern was not specif-ically about women, but about qualifications that would assure that interested persons, lay or clerical, would have knowledge about the science of canon law. Before this point a potential mem-ber was sponsored by a current member and his name given to the committee on membership for its approval before being voted on by all those gathered at the national convention. That this rather cumbersome way of enrolling new members needed to be revised was a common opinion at the time. Thomas J. Lynch,~5 chair of the committee on membership, wrote in a report to the board of governors that, in the proposed revision of the constitutions (1967), the CLSA will "rid our con-stitution of any unnecessary clericalism and will also insure that the active and voting membership of the society will be composed of persons whose professional qualifications give them a special com-petence in matters of renewal and revision of law." ,6 As executive secretary, after receiving increased correspon-dence from many interested parties, James Provost laid his con-cerns about qualifications for membership before the board of Initially, the impetus for women to become members of the CLSA was that congregations of women religious might derive more benefit from canon law. Mt{y-June 1999 Range ¯ l, Vomen and Canon Law governors.'7 In 1980 a constitutional amendment was finalized requiring a person to have a degree in canon law in order to be an active member. Others could be associate members, but without the right to vote at the conventions.~s In 1995 a survey was distributed to women members at the annual convention held in conjunction with the Canadian Canon Law Society in Montreal. Its purpose was to discover the experi-ence of women as members of the CLSA. One hundred three responses were returned, with seventeen women indicating asso-ciate membership, the rest active membership. The responses demonstrated a positive experience within the society; there were a few exceptions, but even they did not indicate major difficulties. One commented that the CLSA was "one of the best kept secrets of the American Church." A tone must have been set many years ago, another respondent speculated, to be inclusive of women.19 Although there is no documentation of a policy decision that ver-ifies that statement, the facts sifice 1968 attest to its reality. The inclusion of women on committees, their election to national posi-tions as officers and consultors, and their presentations at plenary sessions and seminars during regional and national conventions-- all this has been remarkable over the last thirty years. Already in 1971 a woman was a member of the religious-affairs committee; in 1972 a woman was on the legal-council committee as well.2° Twice women have been elected vice-president/presi-dent- elect and have assumed the full responsibility of that office. This office is a challenging one for its incumbent, whether male or female, and certainly for a nonordained female. In addition to chairing the board of governors, the president's responsibilities include communications with the hierarchy of the United States, with the various dicasteries of the Vatican, with the canon-law societies of other countries, and with the members of various dioce-san offices throughout the country. The leadership of the society is challenging internally also, since most of the members are still clerics, including bishops, archbi.shops, and cardinals. Besides the increased membership of women in the society and their activity within it, the agendas of the CLSA have been modified because of the interests of the women members and the" commitment of the leadership and membership to women's issues. Already in 1970, at the national convention in New Orleans, a resolution was passed that stated: "The Canon Law Society of America instructs the subcommittee of its task force on the revi- Review for Religious sion of the Code of Canon Law to study the canonical institutions concerning the dignity, freedom, rights, privileges, offices, and obligations of women in the church and to propose those changes necessary to ensure the equitable consideration of all persons regardless of sex by the law of the church.''2~ In 1973 the society cosponsored with the Adrian Dominican Sisters a meeting of canonists and theologians at their college, Siena Heights, to address the question of the ordination of women from a variety of per-spectives?~ In 1972 the board of governors established an ad hoc com-mittee on the status of women in the church; it became a regular committee in 1973.23 At the conven-tion of 1975, Margaret Brennan IHM presented a major address titled "Standing in Experience: A Reflection on the Status of Women in the church." In 1976 a symposium was held at Rosemont College in Pennsylvania on Women and Church Law; in view of the revision going on at the time, it studied how the law addresses women. It published a con-sensus paper, signed by the twenty-four participants, with sug-gestions concerning how the church in the United States might address some of the inequities from which women suffered.24 In 1987 the members of the committee on women raised the question of its future viability. Even though it regularly invited the society's membership to present it with significant issues, the committee had little business to deal with, This was the reason for the eventual elimination of this committee. Its concerns were taken up by a new committee on the laity in the church?5 From 1988 on, some members of the CLSA were involved with the canon-ical dimensions of the U.S. bishops' Letter on Women that was eventually published in 1990.26 A resolution was taken by the society in 1992 to study the question of the diaconate for women. In 1995 the report by the ad hoc committee, "The Canonical Implications of Ordaining Women to the Permanent Diaconate," was presented to the national con-vention and accepted by the membership.27 This document received a wide distribution to other professional societies and to the National Conference of Catholic Bishops (NCCB). A resolution was taken by the society in 1992 to study the question of the diaconate for women. 271 May-.Tune 1999 Range ¯ Women and Canon Law With the promulgation of Pope John Paul II's apostolic let-ter Ordinatio sacerdotalis stating that the church has no authority to ordain women, the activity of the society on some of these issues perforce ceased, and no new initiatives on this issue have been forthcoming. Some study is being done on the question of the laity sharing in the power of jurisdiction, obviously an important issue, for .lay people function more and more in various offices in the church, It remains to be seen, however, if gender-specific issues will continue to inform the society's agenda. Participation in the annual conventions also reflects the change in the presence of women. In 1967 there were no women at the national convention. In 1968 the female participants were superi-ors of religious orders. In 1969-1970 some women religious were present as well as some major superiors.2s In 1971 there were 9 women registered at the convention in Atlanta, out of 224 partic-ipants. As more and more women begame members of the CLSA, more and more of them have attended both the regional and national conventions.29 In the women's responses to the question-naire mentioned above, they noted the quality of exchange at both regional and national conventions. They are a continuing educa-tional experience for the female membership, as they are for oth-ers who attend these meetings. 272 Women's Education in Canon Law It is clear that many of the women members of the CLSA are active members with degrees in canon law. The obtaining of these degrees is a completely novel achievement in the history of women and canon law. In North America there are two schools from which a woman can receive a degree in canon law: the Catholic University of American in Washington, D.C., and St. Paul University in Ottawa. Most U.S. women have chosen one of these two schools for their canonical education. Among the European schools, most women have chosen the Angelicum, which teaches courses in English, and a few the Gregorian, which until onl~ recently taught its courses in Latin. In 1990 John E. Lynch CSP published an interesting and infor-mative article about the history of the Department of Canon Law at the Catholic University of America, "Laying Down the (Canon) Law at Catholic University.m° The occasion for the article was the centenary of Catholic University. In it he remarked that in Review Jbr Religious 1959 women were enrolling in canon law in Rome.3' That had not yet occurred in North America and not at Catholic University, but it would occur in 1967. The first woman to enroll was Clara Marie Henning, a native of Germany. After that, the numbers of women students increased gradually and now have remained con-stant for some time. The first women students, except for Ms. Henning, were women religious.32 The topics of their theses and dissertations represented the concerns of women in the early 1970s, after the close of the council: religious formation, authority, the LCWR, the legal status of women, the pastoral nature of canon law.3~ Besides this continued interest in the concerns of women religious, later tides indicate an interest in the position of lay people in the church: for example, participation in the munus sanctificandi, and ministry and the layperson.34 Still later tides indicate a broadening of inter-est: for example, the relation of canon law to civil law, and the relation of bishops to diocesan church institutions. Licentiate (JCL) theses usually presaged what those who con-tinued on to the doctorate in canon law (JCD) would write their dis-sertations about. Many of the topics arose from the first draft of the soon-to-be-revised Code: lay employees, rights and obligations of Christian parents, tribunal personnel. Also, a number of theses compared the historic 1983 revision with the 1917 Code. When women first entered Catholic University's Department of Canon Law as students, it could be presumed that they would make a difference in the classroom. After the early wave (women religious, all but one), a number Of lay women as well (and men, too) entered the ranks of students. To assess this presumption of difference, I seized an opportunity to interview the faculty of the department in December 1996: Father James Provost (chair), Father John E. Lynch CSP, Father Thomas Green, Father Edward Pfnausch, Sister Rose McDermott ssJ, and Father John Beal.3s Their reflections on the difference women make are interesting and substantiate what I consider an exceedingly important dimen-sion of women's contribution to canon law, that is, women's human-izing effect. Every one of the faculty indicated that the presence of women made the conversation within the class richer; the questions they asked and their observations were different from the ques-tions of the traditional clerical students.36 At first the women stu-dents did not know some of the vocabulary (nor did entering laymen). One of the faculty recalls mentioning the title "vicar May-ffune 1999 273 Range ¯ Women and Canon Law forane," a term completely unfamiliar to the women. But, when this and other technical phrases were learned, the difficulty was sur-mounted. Women and men, according to ~he faculty members inter-viewed, are equally intelligent. A number of them indicated that women seem to work harder, perhaps to catch up with the clerics because of the unfamiliar discourse, perhaps because of a greater personal commitment to learning the field. By and large women are eager students and indicate an appreciation for the dedication of their ifistructors. They suffered from some rather mediocre teaching, but the men suffered from them equally with the women.37 No resentment toward women students precisely because of their gender, however, seems to have marred their educational experience, Women have been elected to leadership within the student body and have functioned well in those positions. They quickly initiated social events that, rich in student exchange, aided schol, arly interests along with providing amiable relaxation. The male students in those same positions of leadership had not been as cre-ative in these important social dimensions of student life. The mission of the faculty in this department derives from their conviction that canon law is g/tided by its theological and pastoral nature. This conviction permeates the curriculum and challenges the students to understand it as an ecclesial discipline, a sister to scriptural, systematic, moral, and church-history stud-ies and influenced by the conclusi6ns of those studies, even as canon law has an influence on them. This understanding of the nature of canon law informs the entire curriculum and therefore shapes the intellectual formation of the students for their future careers as canon lawyers. In my discussions with the faculty, the question arose about the influence of feminism on canon law. In general, the faculty agreed that the agenda of feminism, as various as it is, does not signifi-cantly influence either the students or the classes. Earlier on, given especially the newness of women to the field, the place of women in the 1917 Code, and the questions about women's place in the revised Code, women's'issues had more sig-nificance than they currently have. At that time (through the 1970s) some of the female students manifested some anger due to these issues. Today, however, the nature of law seems to move the direc-tion of the students' questions and concerns much more than gen-der issues do. The women students are not angry, nor are their Review for Religious instructors. Rather, they are typical students focused on complet-ing their studies and finding positions that fulfill their educational goals. The question of secure employment in the church, with its attendant concerns, is more of an issue with them, women and lay men alike, than gender issues. However, as justice issues, gender concerns remain for both instructors and students, now usually subsumed in the issues of the role of the layperson in the church. Women's Involvement in. Writing Canon Law Perhaps the most original activity that women have engaged in regarding canon law is the actual writing of legislation intended to be incorporated within the revised Code of Canon Law. Whether or not the canons made their way into the final text of the 1983 Code is not the point here. Rather, it is the activity itself, utterly newin the history of the church as far as I have been able to determine. How did this creative effort on the part of women begin? Sister M. Luke Tobin SL, president of the CMSW from 1964 to 1967, was invited in 1964 to be an official observer at the Vatican Council during the 1964 and 1965 sessions. This invitation itself indicated that the council fathers wanted the participation of women in the process of developing the church's self-understand-ing in the modern world?8 The law of the church, canon law, needed to express this new self-understanding ,as well. In the United States, women religious felt that their experience of their own lives as women religious was an important contribution towards an appropriately revised Code of Canon Law. This activ-ity would engage many of the members of the CMSW during the late 1960s and the 1970s. The board of CMSW began in 1965 to consider writing the regulations for ~governing the lives of women religious in the Code of Canon Law)9 It initiated a project for accomplishing this. Committees were formed in the several regions to write proposed canons dealing with the various aspects of religious life: the vows, authority, community life, formation, apostolate, prayer, and so forth. At the annual conventions of the CMSW from 1967 to 1971, the committees gave reports about the progress of their work. Eventually the conference published a document containing the proposed norms. It received a wide distribution in this country May-June 1999 275 276 Range ¯ Women and Canon Law and abroad, going to all the religious congregations and to the bishops.4° As this endeavor continued, the confidence of the women grew; they recognized the possibilities of the project. Moreover, they sought assistance from canonical experts to assist them in this unique activity. The CLSA was instrumental in assisting the various committees in this endeavor. Father Paul Boyle CP, a canon lawyer, was out-standing in his leadership in this area for women religious.4' Already as president of CLSA, he had communicated his vision of including women in the revision process. Later, as executive sec-retary, he increased his activity along this line. The recognition by the canonists of women's lack of education in canon law led to the establishment of summer institutes for a number of them. Certificates were earned and credit gained for these educa-tional endeavors. Father Kevin O'Rourke OP assumed the respon-sibility for these institutes by sponsoring them, developing them, enlisting the faculty for them, and negotiating their locations. They were held in different Catholic colleges in the country. A number of the graduates of these programs later completed their education in canon law at pontifical schools of canon law. Besides this educational assistance, the CLSA, following Paul VI's Ecdesiae sanctae (1966) implementing the conciliar document Perfectae caritatis, developed institutes to assist women religious in managing the process of renewal in their congregations. Pope Paul's decree instructed communities to hold general chapters to write their constitutions and to somehow engage the entire con-gregation in that effort. Experimentation, too, was mandated. Experimentation and writing canonical documents were some-thing for which most religious communities needed assistance. These endeavors of the CLSA were empowering experiences for the women and their religious communities. Hitherto the women were by and large ignorant of canon law and canonical procedures. They were, however, well-educated, intelligent, competent leaders within their religious congregations and deeply committed to the renewal that the church had mandated. The assistance of the CLSA empowered them and many other women in their congregations. Enthusiasm to recover the origins of their congregations, to learn about the remarkable women who had founded them, to encounter the Word of God through a knowledge of the Scriptures, and to assess the needs of the world through a study of the "signs of the times" generated an enormous energy within these communities.42 Review for Religious The results of this monumental effort have not yet been com-pletely assessed. Many studies today record it, some positively, other negatively, but it is still too close chronologically for it to be judged adequately.43 The energy, however, remains within reli-gious communities, smaller and older though they may be. Initiatives in forming new kinds of religious communities con-tinue in the church as well.** The renewal enterprise conducted among the CMSW, the reli-gious communities, and the CLSA is one of the finest stories to come out of the post-Vatican II Church. It included not only these organizations, but also the hierar-chy of the United States. There was an extraordinarydemonstra-tion of mutual encouragement and support among these diverse orga-nizations regarding the revision of the Code of Canon Law. The pos-sibility of participating together in the revision of the canons that governed the life of women reli-gious was realized through this " effort. The Conference of Major Superiors of Men (CMSM) was obviously interested in the same endeavor.4s The Canon Law Society of America responded to the announcement by Pope John XXIII as professional canon lawyers whose expertise was not sim-ply in the practice of law, but in developing it through the proposed revision process.46 These three organizations joined in this endeavor with an unusual demonstration of cooperation. Besides these, the bishops' conference in the United States became the conduit through which the efforts of the organiza-tions were channeled to the Pontifi(al Commission for the Revision of Canon Law, whose responsibility it was to finally formulate the revision. Communication among these organizations was full of enthusiasm and respect. There was no hint of competitiveness, no turf war, no condescension toward women, who were at that time uneducated as canon lawyers. What was desired from the women was the expression of their experience of their own lives and their reflection upon that experience. The mutuality of this common endeavor is one of the finest examples of how women and men can work together to accom- Experimentation and writing canonical documents were something for which most religious communities needed assistance. 277 May-.~une 1.o99 Range * Women and Canon Law plish something for the benefit of all. As the process of revision continued, difficulties emerged, of course. When the canonical text, the Code itself, and the communities' constitutions were finalized and promulgated, the energy that had informed the orig-inal process waned. The vitality of experimentation, of developing powerful and inspiring texts, of consulting all the members of communities in that effort, of creating a vocabulary that resonated with the language of the documents of Vatican II and with the pat-rimony of individual communities--all this vitality wound down as perhaps it inevitably had to after final, authoritative texts were promulgated. As rdigious communities developed their constitutions during these years, their experience shaped their identifies in a remarkable way. The expressions within many of these constitutions were utterly original as documents for identifying and regulating the lives of women religious. In the process of havin~ their constitu-tions reviewed, both the Congregation. for Institutes of Consecrated Life and Societies of Apostolic Life and the individ-ual congregations had much to learn. Although by now most of the problems have been resolved, there are still some communities that do not have their constitutions approved. This phenomenon bears the marks of the encounter between creative initiatives, orig-inal expressions of religious life, and traditional modes of canon-ical expression. The Code defines the constitutions of religious communities as' their particular law. The universal law within the Code presents the guidelines for the constitutions, but does not provide their content. Nevertheless,.the originality of many of these documents from religious communities presented new difficulties for both the congregations themselves and the Vatican officials, who had never seen such documents before. This encounter has been very instructive for all the institutions involved. With the promulgation of the revised Code of Canon Law in 1983 and with the finalization of their constitutions, women are no longer engaged in writing the law that regulates their lives. Periodically constitutions need to be resubmitted to the church for approval. Calls for change and for dispensations are part of the regular communication between the Vatican and women's con-gregations. But creativity and initiatives no longer inform the legal expressions of women religious. Extraordinary documents, though, still emerge from congregational meetings addressing the issues Review Jbr Religio~ts that women religious face at the end of the second millennium. How these documents influence the legally binding texts remains a question for the future. Past, Present, and Future This article has investigated the extraordinary entrance of women into a

La presente investigación doctoral comprueba una problemática desdoblada entre la biografía situada del Arquitecto José M. F. Pastor, Arquitecto y Urbanista egresado en 1944 de la Escuela de Arquitectura de la Facultad de Ciencias Exactas, Físicas y Naturales de la Universidad de Buenos Aires, y el contexto disciplinar del planeamiento en Argentina a mediados de siglo XX. Mediante la sistematización reflexiva de planes y proyectos -que como fuentes primarias inéditas permitieron dar testimonio de un camino innovador desde lo teórico e instrumental- se define un momento en el proceso de construcción de las ideas de planeamiento en la Argentina. Asi mismo, se corrobora a lo largo de la tesis, que Pastor se había vuelto un producto del contexto, como tambien emergente de las inflexiones que subyacían a los debates sobre los que se construía la historia –por demas compleja- de la realidad latinoamericana. A fines de la década de 1930, se consolidaba en la Argentina un movimiento de opinión comprometido con resolver el desequilibrio urbano, producto de la metropolización en contraste con la despoblación y el empobrecimiento del interior del país. Ensayistas, literatos y profesionales del urbanismo caracterizaban un país disociado y promovían un sostenido debate institucional en torno a una serie de ideas encuadradas en la planificación democrática. En este contexto, nos interesó examinar la obra del arquitecto José M. F. Pastor como catalizador de estos debates, editor y difusor de un repertorio disciplinar alternativo, en la traducción de un conjunto de factores locales tensionados por la recepción de teorías externas en torno a la renovación disciplinar del urbanismo. Los criterios humanísticos y ecoéticos que desplegó Pastor, poseen una vigencia particular, ya que son hoy – 60 años despues- parte de las mismas discusiones que problematicas actuales han acelerado exponencialmente sin solución. ; Our doctoral research proves a problem split between the situated biography of the Architect José MF Pastor, Architect and Urban Planner who graduated in 1944 from the School of Architecture of the Faculty of Exact, Physical and Natural Sciences of the University of Buenos Aires, and the disciplinary context of planning in Argentina in the mid-twentieth century. Through the reflective systematization of plans and projects - which as unpublished primary sources allowed to bear witness to an innovative path from the theoretical and instrumental - a moment is defined in the process of construction of planning ideas in Argentina. Likewise, it is corroborated throughout the thesis, that Pastor had become a product of the context, as well as emerging from the inflections that underlay the debates on which the history - however complex - of Latin American reality was built. At the end of the 1930s, an opinion movement committed to solving the urban imbalance, a product of metropolization in contrast to the depopulation and impoverishment of the interior of the country, was consolidating in Argentina. Essayists, writers, and urban planning professionals characterized a dissociated country and promoted a sustained institutional debate around a series of ideas framed in democratic planning. In this context, we were interested in examining the work of the architect José MF Pastor as a catalyst for these debates, editor and diffuser of an alternative disciplinary repertoire, in the translation of a set of local factors stressed by the reception of external theories regarding renovation discipline of urbanism. The humanistic and ecoethical criteria that Pastor deployed have a particular validity, since today - 60 years later - part of the same discussions that current problems have accelerated exponentially without solution. ; Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo

Despite the profusion of exhibitions on South American art that took place in France throughout the 20th century, these have rarely presented artistic experiences as anchored in a territory. What we know of mural art in Chile is based on special exhibitions, such as the Paris Biennial in 1973 or the Venice Biennial in 1974: they were examined as marks of a revolutionary socialist art, or as a practice of resistance to a military dictatorship that was committed to destroy all the initiatives undertaken under the Salvador Allende regime (1970-1973). In this research, we show that these new objects had an entirely different trajectory in Chile and involved such important notions as "art for all"and "social art" that were already in development in the 1930s and 1940s. In order to deconstruct the heroic narratives around these new objects, we wanted to show the way in which knowledges, speeches, testimonies, were formulated and the authors who have ensured their legitimization. The mexican experience had an important impact in the way of rethinking the relation between art and public and to construct a characteristic art, despite the military junta only saw left political unrests. Diferents values were linked to the murals and those artistic experiences changed the visual landscape of the city; some neighbourhoods contains murales since decades. Far from being only restricted by a ideology contents, they absorb, in reverse, influences from conventional mural painting or from the grafitti culture of the norh american cities. ; A pesar de la profusión de exposiciones en Francia durante el Siglo XX sobre el arte sudamericano, aquellas manifestaciones estaban incapaces de tratar de experiencias artísticas inscritas en un territorio. Lo que conocemos de los murales callejeros en Chile depende de dispositivo particular como la Bienal de París de 1973 o la Bienal de Venecia de 1974 : se viste elementos de un arte revolucionaria socialista o bien una práctica de resistencia frente a una dictadura militar que se encargaba de destruir todas iniciativas empezadas bajo el régimen de Salvador Allende (1970-1973). En esta investigación, tratamos de mostrar como esos nuevos objetos conocieron una trayectoria totalmente diferente en Chile, poniendo en juego nociones tales importantes como "el arte para todos" o "el arte social" que estaban en formulación desde los anos 1930 y 1940. Tratando de deconstruir los relatos heroicos sobre esos nuevos objetos, queremos subrayar la maniera donde de han constituidos los saberes, discursos, escritos, testimonios, y los autores quien estaban a cargo de legitimar esa nueva forma de expresión artística. La experiencia mejicana a jugado un papel muy importante cuanto a la maniera de repensar el lienzo entre el publico y el arte y en la maniera de elaborar un arte propio, aun que la Junta militar consideraba los murales solamente como una forma de protesta popular, demasiado relacionado con los partidos políticos de izquierda. A pesar de las diferentes valores que están asociados a los murales callejeros, esas experiencias artísticas han marcado durablemente el paisaje visual de la capital chilena y algunas poblaciones están todavía llenas de pinturas que fue pintadas hace muchos años. Los murales, lejos de estar composiciones únicamente ligadas a un repertorio ideológico, demuestran al contrario diversas influencias como la pintura al fresco convencional o la cultura del grafiti en plena expansión el las ciudades norteamericanas. ; Les expositions sur l'art sud-américain se sont multipliées tout au long du XXème siècle mais elles n'ont que rarement été capables d'évoquer des expériences artistiques inscrites dans un territoire. La Biennale de Paris de 1973 et la Biennale de Venise de 1974 ont été les premières manifestations qui ont fait connaître les peintures murales populaires au Chili à l'échelle internationale : on y a vu à tour de rôle les traces d'un art révolutionnaire socialiste, ou bien une pratique de résistance vis-à-vis d'une dictature militaire qui s'est attelée à détruire toutes formes de libre expression ainsi que les initiatives engagées sous le régime de Salvador Allende (1970-1973). Or, ces nouveaux objets plastiques ont connu une trajectoire tout autre au Chili et mettaient en jeu des notions aussi importantes que « l'art pour tous » ou « l'art social » qui étaient déjà en gestation depuis les années 1930 et 1940. En cherchant à déconstruire les récits héroïques, nous avons voulu montrer la manière dont se sont constitués les savoirs, les discours, les témoignages, et les auteurs qui ont participé à la légitimation de cette nouvelle forme d'expression artistique. Si l'expérience mexicaine a joué un rôle considérable dans la manière de repenser la relation du public à l'art et dans la manière d'élaborer un art qui soit propre, la Junte militaire n'y voyait qu'une forme d'agitation populaire trop liée aux partis politiques de gauche. Au-delà des différentes valeurs gravitant autour des murales, ces expériences artistiques ont durablement marqué le paysage visuel de la capitale au point que certains quartiers sont aujourd'hui encore habillés de fresques datant de plusieurs décennies. Les peintures murales, loin d'être des compositions confinées à un répertoire idéologique, témoignent au contraire de diverses influences allant de la peinture murale conventionnelle à la culture graffiti alors en pleine expansion dans les villes nord-américaines.

La Junta de Acción Comunal es un organismo de participación comunitaria que persiste en Colombia desde la segunda mitad del siglo xx en los pequeños territorios urbanos y rurales como son los barrios y las veredas. Su importancia radica en que es reconocido como el primer interlocutor del Estado con la ciudadanía en los territorios donde habita. Algunos estudios han identificado que estas organizaciones han funcionado sobre todo para resolver necesidades básicas de la población como los servicios públicos domiciliarios y equipamiento social en zonas que carecen de ellos, pero no se conoce su funcionamiento en barrios urbanos que ya cuentan con la infraestructura básica y cuyos residentes tienen un nivel medio o alto de capacidad adquisitiva y están conectados con circuitos económicos de cultura globalizada. Este artículo tiene como objetivo comprender los factores poblacionales y territoriales, organizativos e institucionales que restringen la participación comunitaria de los habitantes de La Macarena, barrio bohemio de Bogotá, en la Junta de Acción Comunal. A través de una triangulación entre información recopilada con técnicas de investigación cuantitativa y cualitativa en un ejercicio de investigación social aplicada, se encontró que la relación entre el consumo cultural privatizado, el estilo de vida cada vez más individualizado de los habitantes del barrio, y las dinámicas urbanas de la ciudad latinoamericana, junto con la creciente deslegitimación de las organizaciones de acción comunal en el país y, en general, del ejercicio de la política tradicional, explican la reducida participación en organizaciones de acción colectiva local de ciudadanos de clase media. ; The Community Action Board is an organism of community participation that persists in Colombia since the second half of the 20th century in the small urban and rural territories such as neighborhoods and rural districts. Its importance is that it is recognized as the first interlocutor of the State with citizenship in the areas where it lives. Some studies have identified that these organizations have worked mainly to solve basic needs of the population such as home public services and social facilities in areas that lack them, but its functioning is unknown in urban neighborhoods that already have basic infrastructure and whose residents have a medium or high level of purchasing power and are connected to economic circuits of globalized culture. The objective of this article is to understand the population, territorial, organizational and institutional factors that restrict the community participation of the inhabitants of La Macarena, the Bohemian neighborhood of Bogotá, in the Community Action Board. Through a triangulation between information compiled with quantitative and qualitative research techniques in an applied social research exercise, it was found that the relationship between the privatized cultural consumption, the increasingly individualized lifestyle of the inhabitants of the neighborhood, and the Urban dynamics of the Latin American city, together with the growing delegitimization of community action organizations in the country and, in general, the exercise of traditional politics, explain the reduced participation in local collective action organizations of middle class citizens. ; A Junta de Ação Comunitária é um organismo de participação comunitária que persiste na Colômbia desde a segunda metade do século xx nos pequenos territórios urbanos e rurais como são os bairros e as veredas. Sua importância radica em que é reconhecido como o primeiro interlocutor do Estado com os cidadãos nos territórios onde mora. Alguns estudos têm identificado que estas organizações têm funcionado sobre todo para resolver as necessidades básicas da população como os serviços públicos domiciliários e equipamento social em zonas que não dispõem deles, mas não conhece-se seu funcionamento em bairros urbanos que já contam com a infraestrutura básica e cujos residentes têm um nível meio ou alto de capacidade de aquisição e estão conectados a circuitos econômicos de cultura globalizada. Este artigo tem como objetivo compreender os fatores populacionais e territoriais, organizativos e institucionais que restringem a participação comunitária dos habitantes de La Macarena, bairro boêmio de Bogotá, na Junta de Ação Comunal. Através de uma triangulação entre informação recopilada com técnicas de pesquisa quantitativa e qualitativa em um exercício de investigação social aplicada, encontrou-se que a relação entre o consumo cultural privatizado, o estilo de vida cada vez mais individualizado dos habitantes do bairro e as dinâmicas urbanas da cidade latino-americana, junto com a crescente deslegitimação das organizações de ação comunal no país e em geral, do exercício da política tradicional, explicam a participação reduzida em organizações de ações coletivas locais de cidadãos de classe média.

The Community Action Board is an organism of community participation that persists in Colombia since the second half of the 20th century in the small urban and rural territories such as neighborhoods and rural districts. Its importance is that it is recognized as the first interlocutor of the State with citizenship in the areas where it lives. Some studies have identified that these organizations have worked mainly to solve basic needs of the population such as home public services and social facilities in areas that lack them, but its functioning is unknown in urban neighborhoods that already have basic infrastructure and whose residents have a medium or high level of purchasing power and are connected to economic circuits of globalized culture. The objective of this article is to understand the population, territorial, organizational and institutional factors that restrict the community participation of the inhabitants of La Macarena, the Bohemian neighborhood of Bogotá, in the Community Action Board. Through a triangulation between information compiled with quantitative and qualitative research techniques in an applied social research exercise, it was found that the relationship between the privatized cultural consumption, the increasingly individualized lifestyle of the inhabitants of the neighborhood, and the Urban dynamics of the Latin American city, together with the growing delegitimization of community action organizations in the country and, in general, the exercise of traditional politics, explain the reduced participation in local collective action organizations of middle class citizens. ; La Junta de Acción Comunal es un organismo de participación comunitaria que persiste en Colombia desde la segunda mitad del siglo xx en los pequeños territorios urbanos y rurales como son los barrios y las veredas. Su importancia radica en que es reconocido como el primer interlocutor del Estado con la ciudadanía en los territorios donde habita. Algunos estudios han identificado que estas organizaciones han funcionado sobre todo para resolver necesidades básicas de la población como los servicios públicos domiciliarios y equipamiento social en zonas que carecen de ellos, pero no se conoce su funcionamiento en barrios urbanos que ya cuentan con la infraestructura básica y cuyos residentes tienen un nivel medio o alto de capacidad adquisitiva y están conectados con circuitos económicos de cultura globalizada. Este artículo tiene como objetivo comprender los factores poblacionales y territoriales, organizativos e institucionales que restringen la participación comunitaria de los habitantes de La Macarena, barrio bohemio de Bogotá, en la Junta de Acción Comunal. A través de una triangulación entre información recopilada con técnicas de investigación cuantitativa y cualitativa en un ejercicio de investigación social aplicada, se encontró que la relación entre el consumo cultural privatizado, el estilo de vida cada vez más individualizado de los habitantes del barrio, y las dinámicas urbanas de la ciudad latinoamericana, junto con la creciente deslegitimación de las organizaciones de acción comunal en el país y, en general, del ejercicio de la política tradicional, explican la reducida participación en organizaciones de acción colectiva local de ciudadanos de clase media. ; A Junta de Ação Comunitária é um organismo de participação comunitária que persiste na Colômbia desde a segunda metade do século xx nos pequenos territórios urbanos e rurais como são os bairros e as veredas. Sua importância radica em que é reconhecido como o primeiro interlocutor do Estado com os cidadãos nos territórios onde mora. Alguns estudos têm identificado que estas organizações têm funcionado sobre todo para resolver as necessidades básicas da população como os serviços públicos domiciliários e equipamento social em zonas que não dispõem deles, mas não conhece-se seu funcionamento em bairros urbanos que já contam com a infraestrutura básica e cujos residentes têm um nível meio ou alto de capacidade de aquisição e estão conectados a circuitos econômicos de cultura globalizada. Este artigo tem como objetivo compreender os fatores populacionais e territoriais, organizativos e institucionais que restringem a participação comunitária dos habitantes de La Macarena, bairro boêmio de Bogotá, na Junta de Ação Comunal. Através de uma triangulação entre informação recopilada com técnicas de pesquisa quantitativa e qualitativa em um exercício de investigação social aplicada, encontrou-se que a relação entre o consumo cultural privatizado, o estilo de vida cada vez mais individualizado dos habitantes do bairro e as dinâmicas urbanas da cidade latino-americana, junto com a crescente deslegitimação das organizações de ação comunal no país e em geral, do exercício da política tradicional, explicam a participação reduzida em organizações de ações coletivas locais de cidadãos de classe média.

While the EU officials touted multilateralism under the WTO's patronage as the silver bullet towards trade liberalization 20 years ago, the 2006 Communication "Global Europe – Competing in the world" ushered in a shift in trade policy. It notably acknowledges that preferential trade agreements (PTAs) enable to go further and faster in promoting openness and deep integration. This sudden turnaround was ultimately consolidated through the 2015 release of the "Trade for all" whose primary motives were to adjust for the rise of global value chains and to respond to the fierce criticism on the Commission's non-transparent handling of commercial policy. By addressing WTO-X and WTO+ policy provisions in tandem with traditional tariff removal, Europe's PTAs aim at delivering reciprocal and effective opening guided by a high level of ambition. A paramount objective in this context is evidently improved access to vast international markets and fast growing regions in order to bolster the competitiveness of European enterprises, exemplified by landmark undertakings with North-American allies and initiatives in the burgeoning Asia-Pacific region. Also when consolidation bonds with Africa, Turkey, Russia as well as Latin America and the Caribbean, it transpires that the Commission takes – besides this orientation on primarily economic criteria – its partners' readiness and broader political conditions into account as well. Facing the prospect of an impending failure of the Doha Round, it appears that Brussels endeavors to prophylactically install its own safety netof PTAs, gearing up for a potential collapse of the multilateral trading system altogether. The article ultimately shows that the EU's shift in trade policy denoted an essential stepping stone toward launching the negotiations on a bilateral trade and investment agreement between Washington and Brussels, which would signify the centerpiece of the EU's 21st century network of preferential trade agreements. ; Mientras que los funcionarios de la UE promocionaron, con apoyo de la OMT, al multilateralismo como el santo remedio para lograr la liberalización del comercio hasta hace veinte años, el comunicado "Europa global: compitiendo en el mundo" de 2006 dio lugar a un cambio en la política comercial. El comunicado reconoce especialmente que los acuerdos de comercio preferenciales (ACP) permiten avanzar más y con mayor rapidez hacia la apertura y la integración profunda. Este cambio radical y repentino terminó de consolidarse durante el lanzamiento de "Comercio para todos", cuyos objetivos principales eran adaptarse al aumento de las cadenas de valor mundiales y responder a las críticas feroces acerca de la falta de transparencia de la Comisión en el manejo de la política comercial. Al abordar las cláusulas de las políticas OMT-X y OMT+ en conjunto con la tradicional eliminación de tarifas, los ACP de Europa se proponen lograr una apertura recíproca y efectiva motivada por altos niveles de ambición. En este contexto, un objetivo crucial es mejorar el acceso a grandes mercados internacionales y a regiones de rápido crecimiento con el fin de potenciar la competitividad de las empresas europeas. Los emprendimientos con aliados norteamericanos y con iniciativas en la pujante región Asia-Pacífico son ejemplos de este objetivo. Además del fortalecimiento de los vínculos con África, Turquía, Rusia, América Latina y el Caribe, se puede observar que la Comisión (orientada principalmente por criterios económicos) también tiene en cuenta la disposición y las condiciones políticas generales de sus socios. Frente a la posibilidad de fracaso inminente de la Ronda de Doha, Bruselas intenta instalar, como medida preventiva, su propia red segura de ACP, preparándose para el colapso potencial del sistema comercial multilateral en general. Por último, este trabajo demuestra que el cambio en la política comercial de la UE significa un paso fundamental hacia el lanzamiento de las negociaciones para un acuerdo de comercio e inversión bilateral entre Washington y Bruselas, lo cual sería el plato fuerte de la red de acuerdos de comercio preferenciales de la UE del siglo XXI.

This guide accompanies the following article: Michael M. Wehrman, 'Examining Race and Sex Inequality in Recidivism', Sociology Compass 5/3 (2011): 179–189, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2011.00362.x.Author's introductionScholars and policymakers are well aware of the high likelihood of failure for recent releases from prison. High recidivism rates are expected, though not necessarily welcome. This article highlights some of the issues that go beyond noting that recidivism rates are simply high: they are higher for some groups than others. Identifying some of the unique mechanisms and processes that lead to race and gender disparity in recidivism rates will help inform policymakers as they seek to write effective policies aimed at a growing population of prisoners facing re‐entry.Author recommendsBroidy, Lisa and Robert Agnew. 1997. 'Gender and Crime: A General Strain Theory Perspective.'Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 34: 275–306.This article offers up a theoretical explanation specifically aimed at how women are influenced by General Strain Theory differently than men. In short, men are prone to respond to sources of strain with aggression and external attribution of blame; women, with depression and internal attribution of blame. As a result, they would be less likely to seek out external sources as a means of criminal coping. Of the many gender‐specific theories, this has a unique application to those re‐entering society, as the disruption they experience during transitioning out of prison is a significant source of strain.Clear, Todd R. 2009. Imprisoning Communities: How Mass Incarceration Makes Disadvantaged Neighborhoods Worse. Oxford University Press.This book looks at the impact of mass incarceration on disadvantaged communities. As most prisoners come from poor neighborhoods, they return to (often the same) poor neighborhoods upon release. Such communities are characterized by strained resources and weak job opportunities for all its citizens – something that only exacerbates the high likelihood of recidivism for those leaving prison. An additional focus here is the concentration of African‐Americans in impoverished communities, something that contributes to their markedly high recidivism rates.Pager, Devah. 2009. Marked: Race, Crime and Finding Work in an Era of Mass Incarceration. University of Chicago Press.Pager focuses on comparing racial discrimination and felon exclusion in hiring practices in her highly regarded research. While racial discrimination in hiring is illegal and socially taboo, in most states failing to hire a felon due to their criminal history is not only legal, but considered a sensible business practice (at least in the eyes of the business owner). Pager finds that racial discrimination is greater than felon discrimination. However, she finds that African‐Americans with a criminal background suffer from a 'two strikes, you're out' pattern, as they experience the fewest chances of all at being hired. The policy implications for recidivism are clear, as being continually denied employment will only enhance the likelihood of reoffending (and, in this case, racial disparity in reoffending).Reisig, Michael D., Kristy Holtfreter and Merry Morash. 2006. 'Assessing Recidivism Risk Across Female Pathways to Crime.'Justice Quarterly 23: 384–405.Female prisoners have lower recidivism rates compared with males. This article tests the predictive validity of a widely used risk assessment instrument, the Level of Service Inventory‐Revised (LSI‐R). By comparing groups of women based on their motivation (economic motivation versus gendered pathways to crime), the authors find that the LSI‐R was able to reliably predict recidivism for women whose offenses were economically motivated. For women whose motivations were gendered (e.g. drug‐connected or harmed/harming women), the LSI‐R's predictions were significantly less successful. This reinforces that women's pathways to crime, and also to reoffending, are influenced by different factors compared with men.Western, Bruce. 2007. Punishment and Inequality in America. Russell Sage Foundation Publications.Westerns' work here summarizes the political causes of the mass incarceration period in American history. The impact of punitive policies of the past several decades has disproportionately targeted poor and minority populations. Similar to Clear's book, Western discusses the impact of mass incarceration on poor minority communities, paying attention to the high likelihood of recidivism for those who reside in and return to such neighborhoods. In addition, he notes the impact of mass incarceration on masking wage disparity between non‐incarcerated Whites and African‐Americans.Online materials
National Reentry Resource Center: http://www.nationalreentryresourcecenter.org/
Established in 2008 with the passage of the Second Chance Act, the National Reentry Resource Center is a group of the Council of State Governments (CSG). The center recognizes the need to identify policies that work to assist the ever growing number of people leaving prison in transitioning to life outside of prison walls. They provide education, training, and assistance to states that seek to implement re‐entry programs and policies in order to curb recidivism.
Prison Policy Initiative: http://www.prisonpolicy.org/
This organization is devoted to studying and presenting research findings on the impact of mass incarceration in individuals, communities, and the nation at large. Their research has helped show, in one example, how mandatory sentencing policies in Massachusetts neglected to protect children from exposure to crime, and additionally perpetuated racial disparity in prison populations (as the policy disproportionately impacted densely populated largely African‐American communities).
This American Life Episode 430: Very Tough Love: http://www.thisamericanlife.org/radio‐archives/episode/430/very‐tough‐love
This radio program (approx. 60 min) tells of a drug court in Glynn County, GA. The judge in this court is well known for shouting down defendants, offering the harshest sentences possible, and in some cases imposing indefinite sentences. Such programs not only run contrary to the guiding philosophy of drug courts, but also impact a number of women as noted in the story – one of whom spent over 10 years behind bars and can not find work (due to felon status), all because she was found to have had two off‐prescription pills in her purse.
Office of Justice Programs – Reentry: http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/reentry/
The United States Department of Justice built this page to serve as a portal for news and resources on re‐entry programs organized by the government. This includes programs and policies that emphasize the need for job training and job placement, as well as councils to study effective programs and policies. Links provide access to publications, as well as a list of available resources, opportunities, and programs.
The National H.I.R.E. Network: http://www.hirenetwork.org/index.html
The H.I.R.E. Network is an organization focused on helping formerly incarcerated offenders find work. Unlike other organizations that focus on developing and implementing programs, H.I.R.E. is closer to a lobbying organization, trying to impact state‐level policy as well as educate the public on matters of re‐entry, recidivism, and the risk current practices pose to communities. Special attention is paid to the disparate racial impact of policies that impact African‐Americans and the communities they reside in.
Sample syllabusA sociology course focusing on corrections and punishment should necessarily address issues of inequality. The sample section here specifically addresses inequality found in the outcomes of the corrections system. The Pager article focuses on inequality in hiring potential and discrimination for recent felons (and how it interacts with race). The Wehrman article is an summary of research on how race and sex influence postrelease outcomes, and the probability of recidivism.Topics for lecture and discussion, sociology of corrections and punishmentWeek 8: Inequality in punishment outcomesReadings:Pager, Devah. 2003. 'The Mark of a Criminal Record.'American Journal of Sociology108: 937–75.Wehrman, Michael M. 2011. 'Examining Race and Sex Inequality in Recidivism.'Sociology Compass5(3): 179–89.OptionalFocus questions
 Given disparate recidivism rates for racial groups, should politicians consider possible policy solutions to reduce recidivism rates in minority populations? Discuss the pros and cons of such targeted policies.
 What are some means of reducing disparate minority representation in prisons (as a means of reducing disparity in recidivism rates)?
 Research shows that job opportunities for ex‐felons, who are legally obligated to disclose their status, are few and far between. Should states reconsider forcing felons to disclose their background, or do business owners have the right to knowing who they are hiring?
 How might the public respond to policy changes that promote successful re‐entry programs, such as furloughs, treatment centers, or employment policies? Which policies might be difficult to implement in light of public opinion?
 Identify some of the unique factors women experience during and after incarceration compared to men. What can be done to address those factors?
Seminar/Project ideaGroup project – develop a re‐entry agencyStudents in this project will develop and present a plan for an agency focused on assisting recently released prisoners. They will use their knowledge to identify risks and needs for specific populations, research effective solutions, and identify potential sources of funding. They will develop programs to help provide solutions to the most pressing needs for prisoners returning to society. Students will present their plans for the program, and respond to questions and critiques of those plans from their classmates.

This dissertation examines the operation of neoliberal environmentality through the instrumentalization of the Greater Sage-grouse (Centrocercus urophasianus) in Wyoming. It treats technological interventions within environmental construction as generating biotic-machinic entanglements termed technonature. I present the formation and operation of the Wyoming Conservation Exchange as a case study of technonatural territorialization connected to global trona and hydrocarbon commodity flows. The theoretical framework elaborates how "the environment" is constructed and governed through tactical instrumental deployments connected to technocratic management allowing economically powerful actors to inscribe their desires within Wyoming's landscape, politics and biota as a function of environmental security related to commodity development. The question motivating this work is "Whose environment is the Environmental Defense Fund defending?" The Greater Sage-grouse has become an object of U.S. Federal environmental governance since the late 1990's. It has experienced significant population declines due to anthropogenic disturbance and habitat loss through industrial action across its range. Wyoming's Sagebrush Steppe contains 37.5% of the remaining range wide population. The grouse was listed as a candidate species under the 1973 U.S. Endangered Species Act triggering responses from Federal, State, and international wildlife management agencies, as well as environmental non-governmental organizations. Wyoming could lose nearly a quarter of its surface should Federal regulations require the designation of critical sage-grouse habitat. Governor Dave Freudenthal signed Executive Order 2008-2 into law in response to the regulatory threat to Wyoming's hydrocarbon and mineral based economy. The grouse, in response was de-listed as a candidate species in 2015 by the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service. EO 2008-2 established the Wyoming Core Area Strategy as a statewide conservation umbrella and laid the framework for a habitat mitigation economy allowing industrial activity to continue within sage-grouse habitat. This incentivized the Environmental Defense Fund (EDF) to test a market-based instrument a habitat exchange within Wyoming. The Greater Sage-grouse is a test species as it is highly sensitive to changes in its environment and this dissertation examines how the habitat mitigation economy advanced by EDF is drawing the grouse into global commodity networks as a territorialization process for global flows of hydrocarbons and minerals. At stake is the ability to write the history of the species, land, and the global environment as EDF develops conservation technologies prioritizing flows critical to the hydrocarbon environment through the technology of the Wyoming Conservation Exchange. ; Doctor of Philosophy ; The Greater Sage-grouse (Centrocercus urophasianus) entered Euro-American scientific study as early as the Lewis and Clark expedition as they explored the Intermountain region of Western North America. The first thorough scientific study of the sage-grouse in the 20th Century, The Sage Grouse in Wyoming, by Dr. Robert Lansing Patterson included the effects of anthropogenic disturbance on grouse populations. Since the 1952 publication of Patterson's study, Greater Sage-grouse numbers have been declining as the bird loses its home to encroachments such as urbanization, agriculture, grazing, mining, and fossil fuel extraction. The last stronghold of the grouse is the Sagebrush Steppe within Wyoming containing nearly 40% of the remaining population. Known for its flamboyant mating displays, the ground-dwelling avian species has become a political flashpoint in conservation, land management, and environmental circles as its numbers declined steadily since the 1990's due to an accelerating energy boom threatening its habitat. The bird became a threat to extractive industry in Wyoming at the turn of the Millennium as environmentally concerned groups petitioned the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (UFWS) to evaluate its populations under the Endangered Species Act (ESA). Nearly a quarter of Wyoming's surface would be strictly policed as critical habitat were the grouse listed as endangered or threatened under the ESA. Wyoming and its partners created the Wyoming Core Area Protection Strategy (CAP) as a wildlife management framework through Executive Order 2008-2. The Wyoming CAP includes the foundation of a habitat mitigation economy allowing industry to trade surface disturbances within critical sage-grouse habitat for modified land purportedly to the benefit of the species. The Nature Conservancy invited the Environmental Defense Fund to form the Wyoming Conservation Exchange a market-based conservation instrument tailored to trading in habitat mitigation credits. This dissertation studies the Wyoming Conservation Exchange as an instrument connected to larger networks of wildlife management agencies, non-governmental organizations, and mining and fossil fuel interests. It evaluates the effects of the Wyoming Conservation Exchange and the economy it seeks to establish as changing how the environment is managed across the Sagebrush Steppe. Environmental Defense Fund's conservation instrument is reviewed through the economy created for and through the Greater Sage-grouse as an object of environmental governance. Habitat offsetting can, has and will change the physical, and political environment of Wyoming allowing powerful actors to write the rules of how the environment should be managed. As such, this dissertation questions whose environment the Environmental Defense Fund is defending as it explores sage-grouse management within the state.

The aim of the article is to delineate contours of certain social strategies, images and discourses as well as cultural practices related to the Lithuanianness, as culture and heritage imagined, constructed and contested in and among different waves and generations of the Lithuanian Americans. The period, the wave of immigration, the way it happened and in particular the rooted-ness in the American soil are basic markers for a distinct pattern of Lithuanianness to be recognized. Any one of these patterns falls into the ascription of a certain social strategy, ideology and politics of identity and is motivated and re-enforced by 'symbolic capital' taken from 'repository' (Castells 1997) of national or ethnic heritage. Consequently, the Lithuanian heritage gains its meaning as well as any item of the national 'repository' becomes imagined, (re) constructed and circulated differently among at least four generations of the Lithuanian descendants, who started to settle in the United States in 1860's as economic immigrants, continued in the late 1940s as political DPs (who have moved from displaced person's camps in Germany) and do continue up to the recent wave of post-Soviet Lithuanian immigration. Lithuanianness as ethnicity can operate as shelter and aid. This is a strategy of particular importance for the each category of the Lithuanian immigrants. It is a sort of model for ethnic subsistence, based on neighborhood ties, as well as on shared language skills and also on an appreciation of common cultural heritage in terms of ethnic foods and customs. Ethnic emancipation is a strategy especially evident during the establishment of the ethnic Lithuanian Catholic Church with service in Lithuanian although all believers in the diaspora never supported such a strategy. Nationalist mission is a strategy of cherishing, perpetuating and retaining ethnicity/nation-ness in terms of culture, language, traditions and heritage. The Lithuanian Charter of 1949 is the best example of the nationalist imperative and mission, applicable to any Lithuanian in exile "to pass on the culture to future generations to insure the eternal nature of his nationality' The parish of the Lithuanian Catholic Church is the most visible social network in the case of ethnicity. The role of the parish to shelter and embrace ethnic life, is most visible through the whole history of the Lithuanian diaspora in the US, in particular in its early stages. Only one other ethnic organization – the Lithuanian Community, (Lietuviu bendruomene) founded and maintained almost entirely by DPs, primarily for nationalist activities, could be compared in scale and popularity with the parish. For many that immigrated after World War II, the Lithuanian Community was at least of equal importance as was the parish to old-timers. The social networks of the post-communist immigrants are based on common social and economic experience of the Communist regimes, visible in the job market, such as the economy of favors, nepotism and clientalism. Participation in such social networks 'of their own' or 'groups of friends' is a source of higher salaries, more secure jobs, benefits, and finally, means of successful adaptation, helping immigrants to achieve higher social and economic mobility in American society. Earlier generations of immigrants also transplanted their social experiences from the home country, but unlike new immigrants, they were met by, and exposed to, the same or, at least, very similar social bonds in the new country, where the parish stands as the best example. The most critical issue along all waves of immigration is a normative image of home country. Old-timer's wave of immigration is overwhelmingly guided by rural and heroic romanticism of the old underdeveloped country. Their image of the people of this country is that of a 'strong' people who founded a medieval empire, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and regained independence from Russia twice during the last century, in 1918 and in 1990. It is also the main source of being 'proud of being Lithuanian'. The DPs image of the home country was constructed from the typical political refuge experience. The occupied and suffering country, left behind at the end of the World War II, encouraged them to take on a mission of regaining nation and retaining its culture. For the post-Communist newcomers, the image of the home country is full of postcolonial transitional uncertainty, with a clear understanding that Lithuania belongs to the Eastern European region with Russian as lingua franca. They are very self-conscious, and their image of the home country and Lithuanian people is in many ways focussed on the 'unique-communist regime – experience' as possessed by the immigrants themselves and their compatriots in Lithuania. The question of sociocultural production of meaning of ethnicity implies praxis of everyday life in diasporas, where manipulation of the Lithuanianness takes place. At least two Lithuanian cultural and heritage practices could be defined. The first involves the essentialisation and codification of culture and heritage. Discourses on the issue of 'birthright to glorious Lithuanian heritage' already appeared in the Lithuanian newspapers published in the US at the end of the nineteenth century. The issue of the Lithuanian culture was altered significantly by DPs. The perpetuation of the notion of occupied, and thus repressed and deprived, Lithuanian nation and its culture gained political acceptance within the US government. It gave political motivation for Lithuanian culture in the US to become more than one of many ethnicity cultures within the 'American dream', and to acquire a 'public' and 'prestigious' image. So, despite the predominant 'Melting Pot' cultural politics of the US during the post World War II period, the Lithuanian label held moral and cultural prestige. A second visible Lithuanian cultural and heritage practice in America invokes a cultural bricolage of retained and adopted elements. Cultural bricolage is conducted by creating new meanings for national/ethnic cultural forms of kinship, language, artifacts, visual-virtual materials, narratives and stereotypes. Ethnic identifications phrased as "Proud to be Lithuanian" or 'I am American first and Lithuanian always' along with a few catchwords or phrases in Lithuanian are starting point in practicing cultural bricoleur. An interest in family genealogies, which is usually strongly related to an interest in finding ethnic roots and eventually ends up in ethnic pilgrimages to Lithuania as a homeland (or the land of ancestors), also belongs to that practice. Material objects, which are supposed to belong to the ethnic/national repository, are used for decoration of private homes and public halls, usually enshrined by ethnic shrines. ; Manipuliavimas bet kuriuo ir bet kurio paveldo – ypač tautinio – aspektu vyksta ne tik ir ne tiek tautinės valstybės viduje, bet nė kiek nemažiau ir už jos ribų. Emigrantus, pabėgėlius, deportuotuosius ir kitus persikėlusius ar perkeltuosius sieja ne tik socialinė atmintis apie "namų šalį", bet ir transplantuoti, reprodukuojami bei sumeistraujami tautiniai paveldai. Šio rašinio tikslas – nubrėžti kai kurių socialinių strategijų, socialinių tinklų, įvaizdžių ir diskursų kontūrus, bendrais bruožais aptarti su konkrečiu etniškumu/nacionalumu sukibusio tapatumo kultūrines praktikas, kitaip sakant lietuviškumą – kaip savitą lietuviškos kultūros ir paveldo formą; t. y. kaip "lietuviškumą" įsivaizdavo ir įsivaizduoja, konstravo ir tebekonstruoja bei/ar siekia užginčyti skirtingos Amerikos lietuvių bangos ir kartos. Remiuosi 2000–2002 m. JAV Vidurio Vakarų valstijose atliktų antropologinių lauko tyrimų duomenimis. Didžiausias dėmesys skirtas Rytų ir Pietų Ilinojaus (įskaitant Westville, Collinsville, West-Frankfort ir Herrin) bei Misurio (St. Louis miesto rytinės dalies) valstijų buvusių angliakasių bendruomenių likučiams bei lietuvių gyvenamiesiems rajonams Èikagoje (įskaitant Brighten Park ir Marquette Park).

Concluding this article, the importance of the rational discourse in modern classes and local forums in contemporary Central Asia should be mentioned again. The liberation of knowledge should be a permanent part of educational initiatives in this region, which is on its long journey from one party autocratic system to the democratic pluralistic one. During this transition some few things should be central. 1. All innovations on education, including the revising role of humanities should be based on the indigenous traditions and the long history of the region including Islamic, Jadid's tradition, but also soviet experiences in the last century (historically inherited German system). Furthermore, the modern international experiences on humanities should be not only superficially implemented from outside, but thoroughly integrated. The development of independent and creative thinking of the learners (students) should be always central for reform initiatives. 2. The revised concept of knowledge and cognitive system has to be based on new epistemology with broader perspective, including all the types of knowledge. These different types of knowledge include not just so called "rationalistic" one, which in fact often serves the interests of ruling classes, but also the experiences of all slices of societies, as well as the cross-civilization approaches, which open the way of dialog and communication with others. 3. It should be suggested to remove the dominating dichotomy type of thinking, escape Manichean dualistic concepts in order develop new bodies and research areas of humanities, based on pluralism (but not on secularism only). Communication and collaboration with the educational and research institutions of developed countries like EU and US would be essential for achievement of the desired goals and implementation of projects. During a conference on higher education in developing countries with focus on Muslim regions organised by the Institute for the Study of Muslim Civilization AKU ISMC in February - March 2005 in London one participant pointed out the importance of mentioning the indigenous Islamic educational heritage like memorization in Central Asian education. Regarding this remark, the questions arises, whether the memorization is the only real indigenous Islamic heritage in education. In this case what is the role of memorization in Muslim philosophy, arts, sciences, other creative professions? Was memorization essential for such Muslim scholars and encyclopaedists from the10th to the15th centuries like Avicenna, Abu Raikhan Biruni, Nasiriddin Tusi and Mirzo Ulughbek, artists like Kamaliddin Behzod or esoteric teachers such as Sufis like Jalaliddin Rumi etc.? Memorizing was not the only learning method in Muslim culture. According to his autobiography, Avicenna read Aristotle´s 'Metaphysics' time, but not only for the sake of memorization, but mostly to find its adequate meaning. Every time time, when he understood the meaning of this book with help of Abu Nasr Farabi´s comments, he celebrated this event by sending charity to the people in mosque. The memorization would be essential, if one accepts Islam only as religion, but not as culture and civilization. Of course, memorization has an important role in education, but only at the beginning, in elementary and secondary schools, but not at the universities. It is a useful tool for teaching and performing of religious rituals, for poetry and other humanities, as well as for medicine (for example, the formulation of the treatments in poetic form as in Urjuza fi-t-tib,Ibn Sina). Memorization in Muslim culture was the way to refer to the other sources, as scholars used to cite by memory, not by direct copying of the sources. It is well-known fact, that humanities have played an important role in Muslim civilisations (Goodman, 2003) and they had a strong impact on other cultures, especially, western European. Many scholars agree with the statement, that Muslim humanistic traditions was transformed by Europeans and served as one of the sources of humanism and renaissance. Recent scientific works on humanities have redefined the disciplinary organization of teaching and research and have introduced wider variety and new areas, such as gender or minoritie issues, studies of cultural diversities etc. However, many American scholars nowadays are worrying about the decline of humanistic research (Kernan, 1997) and about the shift of curriculum from university to "multiversity" and to "demoversity". It is necessary to analyse, rethink and spread the positive experiences of Jadids and AKHP, as well as to motivate and encourage humanities teachers for innovations. Central Asian scientists in humanities have wide field for new research area. There are so many unknown (unthought) slices of culture (formal, informal), which never have become the object of research because of the political correctness, ideology, religious, ethnics or gender superstitions. Central Asian universities need to develop new research programs in humanities, similar to the well-known works by Martha C. Nussbaum (2000, 2004), Peter N. Stearns (1993) and others in USA. However, these kinds of works depend on investments, which cannot be provided by the current central state budget due to corruption, turbulent financial crisis and economic stagnation. Regarding this issue, one should think about new projects for collaboration and integration with EU. The courses in humanities with new approaches in arts, literature, sociology, philosophy, religions, political sciences, research in gender, cultural, religious and minorities issues, as well as analysis of such human behaviour like disgust, shame or hatred are important for liberation of thinking process in order to develop new generation of leaders in the region. Only the modern values, based on indigenous roots can help to build new and good society. However, this should not be implemented artificially. Currently several educational programs organised by EU for Central Asian countries, like Tempus, Erasmus Mundus etc. are working in the region. Last years the majority of Central Asian countries joined Bologna-process of education. The dialog between higher education institutions is important and the communicative ethics (the notion of J. Habermas) play a central role in this exchange. More effective support in form of scholarships, research programs, training projects for teachers and the students will have a very positive influence on Central Asia with regard to the broader mutual understanding and democracy promotion.

El objetivo del estudio que se informa fue describir y analizar los componentes de la identidad nacional argentina y su relación con la orientación de la dominancia social (ODS) y la tolerancia a la transgresión normativa. Para tal fin, se realizaron encuestas a 170 sujetos que residían en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires y el Conurbano Bonaerense (República Argentina). Los resultados evidencian un grado de identificación medio-alto con la categoría social argentino, a la vez que muestran una autoestima colectiva medio-alta. Los atributos autoestereotípicos que conforman la identidad nacional comprenden tres dimensiones: argentino positivo, argentino negativo y argentino avivado. Esta última dimensión fue la que presentó mayor consenso entre los participantes, lo que sugiere que la viveza es percibida como una interface entre lo negativo y lo positivo por sus características adaptativas y funcionales. Los resultados muestran además que la ODS se relaciona inversamente con los componentes positivos, y directamente con los componentes negativos de la identidad nacional, lo que lleva a pensar que el ser argentino no necesariamente se vincula con el estatus o poder en personas dominantes. Finalmente, en relación con la tolerancia a la transgresión, los niveles de acuerdo con la misma son bajos en la muestra. Las caracterizaciones del argentino negativo y argentino avivado se vinculan con la tolerancia hacia ciertos comportamientos transgresores, especialmente con aquellos considerados menos graves y que no perjudican directamente a terceros. ; From early beginnings of the last century, the stereotypes and categorizations about the Argentineans where predominantly negative, both for foreigners as for Argentineans themselves (D'adamo & García Beaudoux, 1994). This lack of a positive nationalism has been related to the lack of adherence to the norm and corruption, as well as to the bias towards the European countries shown by the Argentinean society and its members. This negative social self-concept among Argentineans is not unique in the region, in fact, a study carried out in the 90's revealed that most of Latin American countries had negative national identities (Salazar, J. M. & Salazar, M. A., 1998). However, more recent studies carried out in countries such as Peru or Mexico suggest that there might be a shift in some aspects of their national identities, from a mainly negative one to a more ambivalent one, with some positive and some negative aspects. Some of these studies also evidenced certain relations between the national identity and other psychosocial variables such as the social dominance orientation (SDO) and the political ideology. Both high levels of SDO and a right wing political ideology had a negative impact on the different components of the national identity. These results may enlighten the study of the national identity in Argentina, that's why the aim of this study was to describe and analyze some components of the Argentinean national identity and their relationship to SDO and tolerance towards transgressive behaviors. To this end, a survey with 170 residents in Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires and its surroundings was carried out. Results showed middle-high levels of identification and collective self-esteem related to the Argentinean social category. The national self-stereotypes that conform Argentinean identity were gathered in three dimensions: Positive argentine, Negative argentine, and Crafty argentine. The last dimension was the most consensual among participants, suggesting that craftiness is perceived as an interface between the negative and positive self-stereotype dimensions, because of its functionality and adaptability characteristics. The results also showed that the SDO was inversely related to the positive dimension, and directly related to the negative dimension of national identity, which suggests that the Argentine social category is not linked to status or power in dominant people. Finally, scores of tolerance toward normative transgression were low in the sample. However, negative argentine and crafty argentine dimensions were more tolerant toward transgressor behaviors that could be considered less serious and not harmful to others. The results confirm the negative relation between the SDO and the positive national identity, although the causes of this relation are yet to be studied. The research also suggests that there might be a shift in some of the components and expressions of the national identity. As well as in other countries of Latin America, this shift is characterized for its ambivalence between some positive aspects and other negative ones. Perhaps this ambivalence is best characterized by the craftiness, where the negative aspects of norm transgression and individualism meet the positive aspects of social warmth, adaptability and creativity. As for further investigations, it's important to study how the different national identities interact with specific scenarios, and how this interaction has an impact on the individual behavior. Altogether, this kind of research helps to understand the national identity more deeply, and therefore, enlighten us to make a positive change in order to develop a healthy social identity, based on mutual trust and respect. ; Fil: Monsegur, Santiago. Pontificia Universidad Católica Argentina ; Argentina ; Fil: Espinosa, Agustín. Pontificia Universidad Católica de Perú; Perú ; Fil: Beramendi, Maite Regina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Psicología; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina