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Social media has become an important part of our everyday life due to the widespread use of the Internet. Of the social media services, Twitter is among the most used ones around the world. People share their opinions by writing tweets about numerous subjects, such as politics, sports, economy, etc. Millions of tweets per day create a huge dataset, which drew attention of the data scientists to focus on these data for sentiment analysis. The sentiment analysis focuses to identify the social media posts of users about a specific topic and categorize them as positive, negative or neutral. Thus, the study aims to investigate the effect of types of text representation on the performance of sentiment analysis. In this study, two datasets were used in the experiments. The first one is the user reviews about movies from the IMDB, which has been labeled by Kotzias, and the second one is the Twitter tweets, including the tweets of users about health topic in English in 2019, collected using the Twitter API. The Python programming language was used in the study both for implementing the classification models using the Naïve Bayes (NB), Support Vector Machines (SVM) and Artificial Neural Networks (ANN) algorithms, and for categorizing the sentiments as positive, negative and neutral. The feature extraction from the dataset was performed using Term Frequency-Inverse Document Frequency (TF-IDF) and Word2Vec (W2V) modeling techniques. The success percentages of the classification algorithms were compared at the end. According to the experimental results, Artificial Neural Network had the best accuracy performance in both datasets compared to the others.

AbstractTo what extent do social policy preferences explain party choice? This question has received little attention over the past years, because the bulk of the literature has argued that electoral choice is increasingly shaped by identity‐based attitudes, rather than by preferences for economic‐distributive social policies. We argue that in the wake of this debate, the significance of social policy preferences for electoral choice has been underestimated, because most contributions neglect social policy debates that are specific to post‐industrial societies. In particular, they merely focus on income redistribution, while neglecting distributive conflicts around social investment. The Selects 2011 data allows investigating this crucial distinction for Switzerland. Our empirical analyses confirm that it is pivotal to take the pluridimensionality of distributive conflicts seriously: when looking at preferences for social investment rather than income redistribution, we find that social policy preferences are significant explanatory factors for the choice of the five major Swiss political parties.

The world is facing a growing number of societal challenges such as inequality rise, political upheaval, ageing population, etc. Governments are struggling to keep up to theirs existing service offers, making it difficult for tackling overarching social challenges alone. The active involvement of citizens in partaking social innovations is seen as potential solution to those wider challenges. However, the majority of the population lacks an understanding of social innovation and on how to contribute. In this work, we present a social innovation methodology catering citizens without previous social innovation experience and accessible via an ICT platform. We describe the designing process of the methodology, the core aspects of the resulting methodology and its validation.

In this thesis, my argument is that Greenpeace has transformed from a new social movement to a moderate social movement organization (SMO), and it has lost its new social movement features. To understand this transformation, I examine new social movement literature. Firstly, I investigate under what circumstances new social movements emerged, and how the new social movements were in the 70's and 80's. Therefore, I summarized the economic, political, and social changes in the 1960s and analyzed how these changes affected new social movements in the sense of actors, issues, values, and modes of action. Following, I investigate new approaches which aim to clarify new social movements and try to find out if they explain the evolution of movements. Since there is no comprehensive explanation for movements' transformation, I analyze both new social movement and social movement organization (SMO) conceptions. As a result, I reach a comprehensive new social movement definition which includes all features of new social movements. I also argue that the concept of 'social movement organizations (SMOs)' does not refer to a homogeneous category. While there are moderate social movement organizations (SMOs) which have lost their movement characteristics, there are also radical social movement organizations (SMOs) which protect these features. My objective is to show that Greenpeace is a moderate social movement organization (SMO), and in order to demonstrate that, I summarized the recent form of Greenpeace International. Besides, I also argue that although Greenpeace was a new social movement at the beginning, it has lost its movement features. In order to demonstrate this process, I analyze the historical story of Greenpeace. ; Thesis (M.S.) -- Graduate School of Social Sciences. International Relations.

Although recent studies show widening socio-economic divisions due to the COVID-19 pandemic, many such divisions were already identified as social cleavages. Scholars and observers tend to view the world in a dichotomous manner, overgeneralising their analyses along known cleavages. Therefore, the relevance of our work as scholars is at risk and we, the scholars of the contemporary world, are "vulnerable" to the temptation of ignoring the details, nuances, and complexities. The uneven impact of and recovery from the pandemic is not necessarily binary – for example, a refusal to follow the medical consensus (e.g. social distancing, vaccination) can be observed on both sides of many cleavages. Against such a background, this paper first characterises the pandemic as a medical, socio-economic, and information crisis. With the former two "pillars" resembling the known cleavages, the third pillar goes beyond the physical access to information and deals with the people's perception of various risks. Such a behavioural angle to the vulnerability – labelled "risk literacy" – highlights the phenomenon of "digital divide" and shows a promising feature as an additional analytical tool. By familiarising ourselves with the people's varying risk perceptions, we increase our own literacy against the risk of overgeneralisation. Keywords: risk literacy, social cleavages, information crisis, digital divide, risk perception, vulnerability, behavioural analysis, COVID-19, pandemic

Economists believe that companies exist solely to generate maximum profits for shareholders using all legal and ethical means. However, philosophers and various theories of Ethics talks about that companies have a responsibility to other stakeholders, including their employees, suppliers, customers, and the communities within which they operate. Enlightened self-interest recognizes that a company's prime purpose is to not only making profits, but also this goal can be achieved by fulfilling its social and environmental responsibilities. Collective consciousness view considers the intersubjective realm to understand the enlightened self-interest to maximize the welfare of society. Companies use charitable donations to influence public opinion in their favour and long term wellbeing of society. Social Entrepreneurship promotes both wellbeing of society and creative solution for long-term growth and can earn a profit with goodness.

Analyzes claims to the social rights of citizenship in the light of New Right criticisms of the welfare state.

It is well known that Niklas Luhmann's theory of social systems is grounded in Spencer-Brown's seminal Laws of Form ( LoF) or 'calculus of indications'. It is also known that the reception of the latter has been rather problematic. This article attempts to describe the construction of LoF, and confront it with Niklas Luhmann's ontological and epistemological premises. I show how LoF must be considered a protologic, or research into the fundamentals of logical systems. The clue to its understanding is to be found in its profoundly topological conception of common mathematics and (Boolean) algebra. Both are explained as direct offspring of their planar orientation. Self-reference is a justified instance of an extended, more intricate topological arrangement. Its consequences for ontology (non-identity) and epistemology (autology), I argue, have been adopted correctly by Niklas Luhmann. Separate sections are devoted to how Spencer-Brown's notion of re-entry relates to Luhmann's definition of system/environment, and to a comparison between Luhmann's and Parsons' functionalism.