Suchergebnisse

Актуальность и цели. Российское общество вынуждено принимать жесткие вызовы современных процессов глобализации, противостоять которым оно может только при объединении усилий всех социальных слоев россиян. В связи с этим исследование процесса консолидации современного российского общества приобретает особую актуальность. Цель данной статьи заключается в раскрытии влияния гражданского общества на консолидационные процессы в российском обществе. Материалы и методы. Для достижения поставленной цели в статье анализируются материалы по проблеме формирования гражданского общества, особенности его становления и развития в России и его влияние на процесс консолидации общества. Были использованы результаты анкетного опроса, проведенного среди различных групп населения в Пензенской и Ульяновской областях. Результаты. Анализ данных проведенных социологических исследований позволил выявить отношение респондентов к таким ценностям гражданского общества, как российское гражданство, соблюдение российских законов, консолидация общества, а также их мнение по поводу уровня консолидации современного российского общества. Выводы. Процесс консолидации общества в условиях неопределенности некоторых ролей и областей политической и экономической жизни в современной России приводит к осознанию гражданами необходимости усиления ответственности как со стороны государства, так и со стороны различных общественных структур. В условиях современных вызовов процесс консолидации общества зависит от способности политиков и граждан найти пути разрешения существующих между ними возможных разногласий в различных сферах современной жизни. ; Background. The Russian analysis is forced to accept tough challenges of modern processes of globalization. It will be able to withstand it only provided consolidation of efforts of all social groups of Russian people. In this connection the research of the consolidation processes of the Russian society is of special topicality. The aim of the article is to reveal the influence of the civil society on the consolidation process in the Russian society. Materials and methods. To achieve the set goals the authors analyzed the materials on the problem of civil society formation, peculiarities of its establishment and development in Russia and its influence on the process of society consolidation. The researchers used the results of the survey carried out among various groups of population in Penza and Ulyanovsk region. Results. The analysis of the carried out sociological research's data allowed to reveal the respondents' attitude to such values of civil society as Russian citizenship, abidance by Russian laws, consolidation of society, as well as their opinion on the level of consolidation of the modern Russian society. Conclusions. The society consolidation process in conditions of indeterminancy of some roles and areas of political and economic life in modern Russia leads to understanding by citizens of a necessity to increase responsibility both of the state and of various public structures. Inconditions of modern challenges the society consolidation process depends on the ability of politicians and citizens to find ways to solve the existing contradictions between them in various spheres of modern life.

Following years of war and devastation, the citizens of post-conflict countries look to the government with high expectations for a better quality of life. These countries, however, face severe institutional and human capacity constraints and normally have no other option than turning to donors for help in reconstructing their societies.

Die Idee der Zivilgesellschaft ist zum Leitbild einer notwendigen Umgestaltung der Gesellschaft geworden. Diese Arbeit entwickelt im philosophischen und sozialethisch-theologischen Diskurs eine normative Theorie von Zivilgesellschaft, deren Ziel und Inhalt ein von weitverbreiteten Engführungen befreiter Begriff sozialer Gerechtigkeit ist. Die Tragfähigkeit dieses sozial-ethisch innovativen Ansatzes erweist sich in der Konfrontation mit aktuellen Fragen: Wie steht es um die Zukunftsfähigkeit liberaler Gesellschaften? Bedarf es nicht doch einer Selbstbindung freiheitlicher Gesellschaften an ein bestimmtes Menschenbild und damit zusammenhängende Werte? Welche Konsequenzen zeitigt die Einsicht, daß die bisherige Konzeption des Sozialstaats nicht nur aus ökonomischen Gründen in eine Krise geraten ist? Was bedeutet das Bemühen um Realisierung (größerer) sozialer Gerechtigkeit? Dieser Ansatz schlägt eine erkenntnistheoretisch und praxeologisch gleichermaßen zukunftsweisende Brücke zwischen der aktuellen politologischen und sozialphilosophischen Diskussion um die Zukunftsfähigkeit der "westlichen" liberalen und zugleich sozialstaatlichen Gesellschaften und dem klassischen Anliegen der Katholischen Soziallehre, der "sozialen Gerechtigkeit", wie sie - vor allem auch in der bleibenden Spannung zur Freiheit - heute zu verstehen ist.

Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people throughout the world have led global efforts to raise awareness of their experience of ongoing discrimination, exclusion, and violence. Despite some gains that have made information more available, huge gaps in research and data on LGBTI experiences persist in every country, blocking progress toward inclusion and the realization of human rights for all. Clearly, significant donor investment in strategic research on LGBTI inclusion is needed, to provide a reliable evidence base that can inform policies, legislation, programs, and investments to advance the human rights and inclusion of LGBTI people in national and global efforts. This paper highlights for discussion the critical research and knowledge gaps with regard to human rights and inclusion for LGBTI people that require investments to ensure that they are part of the human rights and development agendas. In light of these significant gaps, the paper outlines a number of high-priority research needs that have been identified as a result of wide-ranging consultations with civil society organizations, governments, research institutions, human rights and development agencies, and researchers. Finally, the paper presents a set of proposed strategic investments to focus on those high-priority topics. These investments would also build an LGBTI research infrastructure to produce and share knowledge about LGBTI people and issues.

Implementation of forest restoration projects requires cross-scale and hybrid forms of governance involving the state, the market, civil society, individuals, communities, and other actors. Using a case study from the Atlantic Forest Hotspot, we examine the governance of a large-scale forest restoration project implemented by an international non-governmental organization (NGO) on family farmer landholdings located within protected areas of sustainable development. In addition to forest restoration, the project aims to provide an economic benefit to participating farmers by including native species with market potential (fruits, timber) in restoration models and by contracting farmers in the planting phase. We employed qualitative methods such as structured interviews and participant observation to assess the effect of environmental policy and multi-scalar governance on implementation and acceptability of the project by farmers. We demonstrate that NGO and farmer expectations for the project were initially misaligned, hampering farmer participation. Furthermore, current policy complicated implementation and still poses barriers to project success, and projects must remain adaptable to changing legal landscapes. We recommend increased incorporation of social science methods in earlier stages of projects, as well as throughout the course of implementation, in order to better assess the needs and perspectives of participants, as well as to minimize trade-offs.

This article takes the 2010 electoral defeats of the Chilean Concertacion and British New Labour governments as a point of departure to analyse the crisis of representation in Third Way politics and how this crisis has allowed the right to articulate a successful project of subaltern dissent. The article develops a critical reading of Gramsci through an engagement with Spivak to analyse the complex and contested relations of representation through which subaltern subjectivities are constituted politically. In applying this critical deconstruction to Britain and Chile we discuss the ways in which the Third Way discursively, materially and institutionally acted to re-present a demobilised working-class subject as part of a model of a consensual (elite-led) and de-antagonised politics. We argue that this depoliticisation and demobilisation of popular activity has served to disembed Third Way parties from their core constituencies in civil society, allowing room for the political right to re-articulate subaltern dissent. We thus analyse how the right has sought to articulate subaltern good sense in terms of (1) nostalgia, (2) anti-politics and (3) disciplinality. We conclude by suggesting some of the potential tensions and contradictions involved in this re-articulation of dissent, particularly in the re-emergence of popular mobilisation in both the UK and Chile. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract.  European integration shifts the distribution of political opportunities to influence public debates, improving the relative influence of some collective actors, and weakening that of others. This article investigates which actors profit from and which actors stand to lose from the Europeanisation of political communication in mass‐mediated public spheres. Furthermore, it asks to what extent these effects of Europeanisation can help one to understand collective actors' evaluation of European institutions and the integration process. Data is analysed on some 20,000 political claims by a variety of collective actors, drawn from 28 newspapers in seven European countries in the period 1990–2002, across seven different issue fields with varying degrees of EU policy‐making power. The results show that government and executive actors are by far the most important beneficiaries of the Europeanisation of public debates compared to legislative and party actors, and even more so compared to civil society actors, who are extremely weakly represented in Europeanised public debates. The stronger is the type of Europeanisation that is considered, the stronger are these biases. For most actors, a close correspondence is found between how Europeanisation affects their influence in the public debate, on the one hand, and their public support for, or opposition to, European institutions and the integration process, on the other.

The Center for Civil-Military Relations at the Naval Post-Graduate School (CCMR, Monterey, CA) is an implementing organization of the U.S. Department of Defense's Expanded-International Military Education and Training Program and has amassed both scholarly and practical expertise educating civilian and military defense professionals from more than 40 countries. CCMR was established in 1994 and is sponsored by the Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA). CCMR conducts civil-military relations programs designed primarily for military officers, civilian officials, legislators, and non-government personnel. These programs include courses designed to be taught both in residence at NPS and in a Mobile Education Team (MET) format, depending upon requirements. Three programs offered by CCMR include the MET, the Masters Degree in International Security and Civil-Military Relations, and the Executive Program in Civil-Military Relations. ; The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) sponsored the research in this report under agreement AEP-A-00-98-00014-00, which established the Partnership for Democratic Governance and Society. The Partnership for Democratic Governance and Society (PDGS) conducts programs to strengthen the capacity of civilians to provide leadership in defense management, policymaking and analysis. The PDGS conducts its programs in cooperation with local legislatures, political parties, civic organizations, academic institutions, media and the civilian elements of the defense establishment. ; Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

Civil war outcome studies have used expected utility logic to identify factors that affect actors' estimates of the probability of victory, the payoffs from victory vs defeat, and the accumulated costs of fighting until victory is achieved. Tests have used static measures of national attributes and war characteristics, measured prior to the war or at its end. We use UCDP Georeferenced Event Data from 73 civil conflicts in Africa to estimate how changes in government and rebel tactical choices on where and when to fight battles affect expected utility estimates and, therefore, civil war outcomes.

Меры по преодолению правового нигилизма делятся на стратегические и тактические. К тактическим мерам относятся совершенствование законодательства, уголовные репрессии, ужесточение административного контроля. Стратегические меры включают развитие разделения властей, гражданского общества, политической конкуренции. ; Measures to resist legal nihilism is divided into strategic and tactic. Tactic ones are perfection legislation, criminal repressions, administrative control toughening. Strategic measures are the follows: development of separation of powers, civil society and political competition.