Suchergebnisse

At the conclusion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's 1999 air campaign against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Savezna republika Jugoslavije: SRJ) the United States publicly committed itself to a policy of regime change towards the Belgrade government presided over by Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic. In addition, the May 1999 indictment of Milosevic by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia for crimes against humanity marked an unprecedented act of judicial intervention that challenged hitherto dominant conceptions of the norm of Westphalian sovereignty. Those acts - state promotion of regime change and the indictment of a sitting head of state by an international criminal tribunal - both require an examination of the role of external agency in either bringing about or acting as a catalyst for regime change. The Milosevic regime attempted to use the Westphalian notion of sovereignty to fend off external pressure; events leading to the regime change of October 2000 suggest that this defence was inadequate, as Western powers legitimized their intervention through appeals to humanitarian norms and by direct appeals to citizens of the SRJ. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractTerritorial divisions are commonly believed to dominate the international realm, supposedly leaving no room for ideological distinctions to take shape. However, the formation of over fifty transnational political groups (TPGs) across thirteen international parliaments challenges this assumption, calling into question the previously accepted insignificance of ideology beyond the boundaries of the nation-state. Previously unexplored in comparative perspective, this paper investigates TPGs' puzzling existence and delineates the conditions for their emergence within international parliaments. The theoretical argument is that homogeneity across the member states of the international parliament along three dimensions – political systems, economic development levels and geographical proximity – fosters the creation of transnational political groups. Results from regression analysis on time series cross-sectional data lend support to the theory. With the rise of international parliamentary institutions and their increased involvement in supranational decision-making over time, it becomes highly important to understand how they organize as well as the implications of their institutional designs.

Guiding legislation and associated bureaucracy for the ethical review of clinical trials observational studies and food related research play an important role in the competitiveness of a nation in the face of tough global competition to attract sponsors and investigators. This is of particular relevance in the case of multicentre trials and multidisciplinary research. Accordingly, in this report we tried to gather in-depth knowledge of the current role and practices of ethics committees nationwide in both clinical and research settings. This mini-review aims to describe the formulation and organization of ethical committees in Italy in order to provide a focus for deliberations on ethical issues in medical and scientific research in line with human rights, as set out in the European Union charter. Furthermore, we evaluated the impact of an institution's ethical committee intervention on reducing the time required to obtain an opinion from Research Ethics Committees by guiding investigators in addressing ethical issues in their proposed studies.

Why do scholars, who generally acknowledge the international legal personality of non-State entities, still question the bindingness of the law of non-international armed conflict on insurgents? This article examines the relationship between the two dominant positivist conceptions of international legal personality and the rights and obligations of insurgents as a matter of positive international law. First, the article illustrates that the evolution of the law of non-international armed conflict corroborates Hans Kelsen's idea that the international legal personality of an entity, be it a State, an armed opposition group, or an individual, is solely contingent upon interpretation of international norms. Second, it shows that the traditional perception of States as exclusive subjects of international law – though never reflected in positive norms governing non-international armed conflict – continues to influence the current debate on the theoretical underpinnings for binding insurgents. The orthodox 'States-only' conception of international legal personality is seemingly so ingrained in the minds of contemporary international lawyers that they inadvertently rely on it when faced with international legal regulation of non-State entities. Finally, the article addresses the implications of these findings for the overall question of international legal obligations of non-State actors.

"This book demonstrates the need to coordinate private and corporate actors with national and global sustainable climate policies, with conventions in the spheres of green energy laws, as well as from the spheres of commercial, trade, and other private law. While many states have joined together in the Paris Agreements in support of green energy policies, it remains a stark reality that most of the efforts to reduce greenhouse emissions remain with private actors who operate the various industries, vehicles, and vessels that emit the gases in target. The risks of anthropogenic climate change cannot be solved by environmental law alone and will need complementary support from commercial, corporate, and private law. However, aspects of commercial law, securities law, and trade law can be shown to frustrate certain aspects of green energy policies, resulting in damaging "green paradoxes". It raises issues associated with corporate social responsibility and green paradoxes, with international trade laws, and with liability risks for misrepresenting the state of feasible green energy technologies. The book will be of interest to students and scholars in the fields of energy law, environmental law, and corporate law"--

In November 2013, a group of international experts in animal research policy (n = 11) gathered in Vancouver, Canada, to discuss openness and accountability in animal research. The primary objective was to bring together participants from various jurisdictions (United States, Sweden, Australia, New Zealand, Germany, Canada and the United Kingdom) to share practices regarding the governance of animals used in research, testing and education, with emphasis on the governance process followed, the methods of community engagement, and the balance of openness versus confidentiality. During the forum, participants came to a broad consensus on the need for: (a) evidence-based metrics to allow a "virtuous feedback" system for evaluation and quality assurance of animal research, (b) the need for increased public access to information, together with opportunities for stakeholder dialogue about animal research, (c) a greater diversity of views to be represented on decision-making committees to allow for greater balance and (d) a standardized and robust ethical decision-making process that incorporates some sort of societal input. These recommendations encourage aspirations beyond merely imparting information and towards a genuine dialogue that represents a shared agenda surrounding laboratory animal use.

Brunei Revolution in 1962 despite of its small scale is an important event which lead to an international conflict occurred in the region in years next. As its international historical context, the issue about who is the most responsible for triggering it remain in debate. The Sultan of Brunei is one of untouchable party who can be also viewed from this perspective. His reluctance and unresponsive attitude; decision to seize the people's democracy; and arrogance in Malaysia's case, left all interested parties gaining momentum to pressure him to decide. The Brunei People Party (PRB) became one of the parties who tried to do it, with its often-neglected aspirations for national independence, supported by the people, sympathetic neighbours, and left-leaning nations at the time. This failed rebellion also resemble a symbol of relatively untouchable people of monarch which absent from historical critics regarding its powerful position in the modern politics.

Virginia Gildersleeve, the Dean of Barnard College and the former president of the International Federation of University Women, served as the only U.S. woman delegate to the conference that established the United Nations in 1945. President Franklin Roosevelt selected Gildersleeve to attend the conference to placate those women's groups advocating that their gender participate in postwar peace planning. She was chosen over other women, however, primarily due to her interwar leadership of a gender‐specific transnational nongovernmental organization. Male delegates to diplomatic conferences typically gained their international experience as politicians, State Department officials, or military officers. Women, who had not made significant inroads into foreign policy decision‐making positions after gaining the right to vote, had to attain their diplomatic skills elsewhere. Leadership roles in transnational women's organizations became a springboard for women like Gildersleeve into professional diplomacy.

Abstract.  This paper deals with the foundational "architectonics" (Kantian) at the ground of the internal relation between the three concepts raised in the title. First, I provide a short introduction into the ultimate foundation of practical philosophy by the transcendental‐pragmatic conception of discourse ethics. Then, I discuss the foundational relation between discourse ethics, positive law, and democracy as a constitutional state of law. Finally, I explore the foundational relation between human rights as part of universal law, the democratic state of law, and international law or jus gentium. By taking issue with Kant, Habermas, and Rawls, I try to show that a rational foundation of ethics, as well as a rational approach to the traditional problems of international law, is only possible through a critical transformation of Kant's approach via a transcendental‐pragmatic conception of discourse ethics.