Political Training in Four Generations of Activists in Argentina and Brazil
In: Brazilian political science review: BPSR, Band 15, Heft 2
ISSN: 1981-3821
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In: Brazilian political science review: BPSR, Band 15, Heft 2
ISSN: 1981-3821
In: Historical Association studies
In: Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs, Band 26, Heft 1, S. 83-99
ISSN: 2719-3780
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, and in the fi rst democratic national elections of 1993, voter turnout in Latvia was 89.9 per cent. However, by the late 90s, participation levels had signifi cantly decreased. Scholars have pointed out that this decrease was a result of people gradually learning the limits of democratic governance while tackling the feeling of political powerlessness and decreasing trust in politicians and political institutions – all of which have had negative effects on civil society and democratic ideals. Youths in particular were affected by the sum of all this, seeing, first-hand, income inequality, economic stagnation, corruption, and personal unemployment (or that of their parents). All this, combined with a lack of democratic traditions, has resulted in scepticism and political apathy. This paper shows that, since 2009, Latvia has seen a decrease in all forms of political participation, including a share of its youths who run as MP candidates in elections. The paper aims to clarify what would help bring Latvian youths back into politics.
In: Japanese Yearbook on Business History, Band 1, S. 160-170
ISSN: 1884-6181
In: Routledge advances in internationalizing media studies, 25
This book provides a solid, encompassing definition of Internet memes, exploring both the common features of memes around the globe and their particular regional traits. It identifies and explains the roles that these viral texts play in Internet communication: cultural, social and political implications; significance for self-representation and identity formation; promotion of alternative opinion or trending interpretation; and subversive and resistant power in relation to professional media, propaganda, and traditional and digital political campaigning. It also offers unique comparative case studies of Internet memes in Russia and the United States.
International audience ; Euroscepticism is often interpreted through a dichotomy between on the one hand pro-European government parties which respect the rules of political competition, and on the other hand Eurosceptic protest parties which question them. In this perspective, political actors are studied within closed national political fields, disregarding the fact that they are included in broader networks. Yet a position at the junction between the national political field and the academic field or European political arenas, can provide valuable resources to legitimize the criticism of European integration and avoid being stigmatized as "Eurosceptic". This article offers a case study focused on the development of European expertise for the Czech conservative party ODS, and on the way its main leaders use this " science " in Anglo-Saxon Eurosceptic liberal networks. It highlights the paradox of a Eurosceptic ideology which contests the European transnational political space while simultaneously relying on it for its development. ; Une interprétation courante de l'euroscepticisme repose sur une dichotomie entre des partis de gouvernement pro-européens qui respectent les règles du jeu politique légitime, et des formations protestataires eurosceptiques qui les remettent en cause. On raisonne alors dans des espaces politiques nationaux pris isolément, sans considérer que les acteurs partisans sont insérés dans des configurations plus larges. Or un positionnement à la frontière avec l'espace académique national ou l'arène politique européenne peut procurer les ressources nécessaires à la légitimation des critiques de l'intégration européenne et permettre aux organisations politiques d'échapper au stigmate du label " eurosceptique ". Une étude de cas centrée sur la production de l'expertise européenne du parti conservateur tchèque ODS, et de l'usage de cette " science " dans les réseaux libéraux eurosceptiques anglo-saxons, permet de montrer le paradoxe de cette idéologie qui voit la contestation de l'espace politique transnational européen se dessiner elle-même sur un mode européanisé.
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Politische Kommunikation im persönlichen Umfeld. Politische Internetnutzung. Parteipräferenz und Wahlverhalten.
Themen: Familienstand; in Partnerschaft lebend; Häufigkeit von politischen Gesprächsthemen in der Partnerschaft; Häufigkeit unterschiedlicher Meinungen bei politischen Gesprächsthemen in der Partnerschaft; vermutetes Wahlverhalten des Partners; Art der Beziehung zu der Person außerhalb der Partnerschaft, mit der am häufigsten über Politik geredet wird (Verwandte/r, Nachbar/in, Arbeitskollege/in, Freund/in, sonstige andere Person); Häufigkeit von politischen Gesprächsthemen mit dieser Person; Häufigkeit unterschiedlicher Meinungen bei politischen Gesprächsthemen mit dieser Person; vermutetes Wahlverhalten dieser Person bei der letzten Wahl; weitere Person außerhalb der Partnerschaft, mit der über Politik geredet wird; Art der Beziehung zu dieser weiteren Person; Häufigkeit von politischen Gesprächsthemen mit dieser weiteren Person; Häufigkeit unterschiedlicher Meinungen bei politischen Gesprächsthemen mit dieser weiteren Person; vermutetes Wahlverhalten dieser weiteren Person bei der letzten Wahl; politische Internetnutzung: Art der Internetnutzung als Informationsquelle für Politik (lese politische Inhalte, like/ teile politische Inhalte in sozialen Netzwerken, schreibe Kommentare zu politischen Themen in sozialen Netzwerken, nutze das Internet, aber nicht für Politik, nutze das Internet überhaupt nicht); Parteipräferenz (Sonntagsfrage); Partei zweiter Präferenz bei einer Wahl bzw. keine andere Partei vorstellbar; Wahlverhalten der letzten fünf Jahre (Zweitstimme).
Demographie: Geschlecht; Alter; Schulbildung; Berufstätigkeit; Haushaltsgröße; Anzahl Personen älter als 14 Jahre im Haushalt; Haushaltsnettoeinkommen; Internetnutzung (beruflich, privat, sowohl beruflich als auch privat, keine Internetnutzung); Wahlberechtigung; Parteipräferenz; Parteipräferenz bei der letzten Wahl (Recall-Frage).
Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: Befragten-ID; Gewicht; Interviewdatum; Ortsgröße (BIK); Bundesland; West/Ost; Mobilfunk vs. Festnetz.
GESIS
© 2020 Elsevier GmbH Climate reconstructions for the Common Era are compromised by the paucity of annually-resolved and absolutely-dated proxy records prior to medieval times. Where reconstructions are based on combinations of different climate archive types (of varying spatiotemporal resolution, dating uncertainty, record length and predictive skill), it is challenging to estimate past amplitude ranges, disentangle the relative roles of natural and anthropogenic forcing, or probe deeper interrelationships between climate variability and human history. Here, we compile and analyse updated versions of all the existing summer temperature sensitive tree-ring width chronologies from the Northern Hemisphere that span the entire Common Era. We apply a novel ensemble approach to reconstruct extra-tropical summer temperatures from 1 to 2010 CE, and calculate uncertainties at continental to hemispheric scales. Peak warming in the 280s, 990s and 1020s, when volcanic forcing was low, was comparable to modern conditions until 2010 CE. The lowest June–August temperature anomaly in 536 not only marks the beginning of the coldest decade, but also defines the onset of the Late Antique Little Ice Age (LALIA). While prolonged warmth during Roman and medieval times roughly coincides with the tendency towards societal prosperity across much of the North Atlantic/European sector and East Asia, major episodes of volcanically-forced summer cooling often presaged widespread famines, plague outbreaks and political upheavals. Our study reveals a larger amplitude of spatially synchronized summer temperature variation during the first millennium of the Common Era than previously recognised.
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In: African affairs: the journal of the Royal African Society, Band 114, Heft 456, S. 361-381
ISSN: 0001-9909
World Affairs Online
Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- List of Figures -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- Recentering the Subject -- "Do We Still Want to Be Subjects?" -- Guilt for Being and Not Being -- Winnicottian Interventions -- Part I: The Subject's Creation: Aggression, Isolation, and Destruction -- Part II: The Subject Faced with Deprivation and Disaster -- Part III: Revitalizing the Subject of Political Theory -- Part IV: Intersubjectivity, Justice, and Equality -- Postscript on the Life and Work of D.W. Winnicott -- Notes -- References -- Part I: The Subject's Creation: Aggression, Isolation, and Destruction -- Chapter 2: Being and Encountering: Movement and Aggression in Winnicott -- Winnicott's Question -- Movement and Being -- The Aggression of Being -- Psychic Motility and Creativity -- Aggression and Destruction -- Motility, Aggression, and Social Life -- Notes -- References -- Chapter 3: The Isolation of the True Self and the Problem of Impingement: Implications of Winnicott's Theory for Social Connection and Political Engagement -- Subjectivity and Relating to Others -- The Consequences of Impingement -- Civility and Subjective Causation -- Modalities of Relating -- Impingement and the Fantasy of Political Community -- Notes -- References -- Chapter 4: The Psychoanalytic Winnicott We Need Now: On the Way to a Real Ecological Thought -- Where We Start From -- "The Mother" -- Primary Process -- What Is Psychoanalytic? Abiding Paradox -- Abiding Not Knowing -- A Taste for Separation in Singularly Loving Earthly Life -- References -- Part II: The Subject Faced with Deprivation and Disaster -- Chapter 5: Playing 'Riot': Identity in Refuge-Absent Child Narratives in the 2013 Hindu-Muslim Riots in Muzaffarnagar, India -- Locale of the Environment: The Relief Camp at Kandhla, Muzaffarnagar
A continuation of the author's Legislative history of Federal income tax laws, 1938-1861, and Legislative history of excess profits tax laws, 1946-1917. ; "Arranged act by act, with the latest act first." ; v.1. Through code sec. 166 -- v. 2 . From code sec. 167. ; Mode of access: Internet.
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In: Organization: the interdisciplinary journal of organization, theory and society, Band 2, Heft 1, S. 87-116
ISSN: 1461-7323
This paper examines the economic, political and social effects associated with the unprecedented dismantling of Mexico's parastatal apparatus over the past decade. In so doing, it highlights the major economic and political arguments advanced by neoliberal enthusiasts for privatization in the region and subjects them to a critical analysis in light of the Mexican experience. The essay begins by reviewing and evaluating the highly uneven economic and social impact of the various stabilization programs implemented over the past decade. It advances the argument that the debt crisis and its aftermath became a valuable instrument for reducing the economic and political autonomy of the Mexican state, thus enabling powerful factions of the international financial and banking community to impose a growth strategy that further inserts the Mexican economy in a dependent and subordinate fashion into the global economy-a process that will be reinforced with the recent passage of NAFTA. The paper then discusses the evolution, rationale and impact of the country's privatization program: the most radical expression of the current neoliberal program. It shows, through a variety of concrete examples, how the state's withdrawal from key economic sectors has generated a massive loss of employment, compromised hard-won labor rights for all Mexican workers, generated an unprecedented concentration of economic power in key industries, such as banking and finance, attracted mostly speculative capital into the stock market and, perhaps most importantly, reduced the Mexican state's ability to foster policies that promote broad-based economic development.
This book recounts the author's meetings with some of Israel's political and intellectual leaders after he immigrated to Israel in 1976. He reveals the flawed mentality of Israel's elites and their policy of 'land for peace.' Contributing to this failure is Israel's unstable system of multi-party cabinet government and the country's lack of a written Constitution. Eidelberg offers a Jewish-democratic version of the American Constitution, whose Hebraic roots were recognized by learned men of the eighteenth century.
In: Routledge advances in international relations and politics, 4
Peace-Maintenance explores the controversial concept that has evolved from diplomatic peacekeeping and military peace-enforcement. Jarat Chopra, the architect of peace-maintenance, outlines the limitations of traditional peacekeeping principles reliant on the increasingly questionable consent of belligerents. He traces the evolution of the political, administrative, legal and judicial ingredients of international authority. He draws on his extensive experience of peace operations with the United Nations, using many examples to illustrate the context and evolution of p.
Throughout the world, civil wars, secessionist struggles, wars of national liberation, and irredentist movements are producing casualties and refugees at a staggering rate. In an environment of international turmoil, traditional modes of inter-state diplomacy are often ineffective when political legitimacy and sovereignty, self-determination and te