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The purpose of the article is to suggest a new conceptual understanding of the of cultural transfer role in the birth of museum in Belarusian lands ("museum transfer"), within a comprehensive study of this phenomenon as an integral, organic part of the national culture. The methodological basis of the research has become the universal scientific principles of objectivity, systematic and comprehensiveness, as well as comparative-historical, historical-typological, problem-chronological and structural-functional methods. The study was carried out in the framework of M. Espagne cultural transfers concept. The scientific novelty of the article. The work proposes a new term, 'museum transfer'. Its structure and functioning mechanisms are illustrated employing major early Belarusian museum cases. The place and role of the museum transfer in the system of cultural interactions is determined. Сonclusions. The emergence of museum as a social institution in the Belarusian lands was a result of cultural transfer – a dynamic process of intercultural communication. At the initial stage, the cultural 'translation' of Western European museum ideas and practices into the language of Belarusian culture was ultimately unsuccessful in most cases. Museum projects of F. Skaryna, N. K. Radziwill, A. Jabłonowska, J. E. Gilibert, G. Gruber, E. P. Tyszkievicz did not find wide support in the traditional, archaic agrarian society and as a result of socio-political and military cataclysms quickly disappeared. Nevertheless, they laid the foundation on which the modern museum network, museum profession, museum traditions in the Republic of Belarus were formed.

AbstractThis short paper concludes the special issue by bringing together a number of common patterns emerging from the five regions investigated. It appears that these five regions have been successful in globalization thanks to a pro‐active approach which upgraded their functional specialization, making the most from their assets and being open to global flows. These results are expected to be valid for most global player European regions, but not necessarily for other types of regions. Moreover, it would be interesting to reproduce the same analysis after the end of the crisis to disentangle if and to what extent the same assets which allow regions to prosper in a period of growth and globalization are also helpful to deal with periods of crisis.Resumen. Este breve artículo concluye esta edición especial con la reunión de un número de patrones comunes emergentes de las cinco regiones investigadas. Parece ser que estas cinco regiones han tenido éxito en cuanto a globalización gracias a un enfoque proactivo que ha mejorado su especialización funcional, extrayendo el máximo de sus recursos y abriéndose a flujos globales. Se espera que estos resultados sean válidos para la mayoría de regiones europeas que son actores globales, pero no necesariamente para otros tipos de regiones. Además, sería interesante reproducir el mismo análisis al término de la crisis para descifrar si los mismos recursos que permiten prosperar a las regiones en un periodo de crecimiento y globalización también las ayudan a aguantar durante periodos de crisis, y en qué medida.

In all European countries, family farm peasant units coexist with small or medium agricultural enterprises. In spite of several modernisation theories announcement, peasant agriculture (partially integrated to non perfect markets) has not disappeared, especially in Eastern Europe countries. By the way, in Eastern Europe, peasant family agriculture is faced to the double challenge of globalisation and UE extension. Smallholders and family farmers will be confronted with rapid change and new forms of competition. Some of them are afraid by the small farmers exclusion process, that western Europe countries have experimented during the 60's and 70's, in a quite more favourable context, in terms of income and job opportunities in other sectors. This paper examines which kind of rural sociology theories, categories and methods can help to analyze these processes and challenge. Is it in terms of resistance, of survival or in terms of mutation of peasant societies? Is there still any place for a new "peasant based" project? On another hand, is there any real issue with the complete evolution of family agriculture to a market integrated firm-like model? What about the new condition of rural life and rural activities? What are the possibilities and the limits of the alliance and links between family farmers and other stakeholders, in order to renew co-ordination mechanisms and to redefine a new place for agriculture in the society? What could be, specifically, the sociological contribution of the notion of multifunctionality of agriculture and rural spaces.

Abstract:The purpose of this paper is a reflection of the position and function of common European rules in respect of limitations to freedom of contract, and more specifically on the role of mandatory and non-mandatory rules in general. After dealing with this more generally in the first part, the article addresses in its second part the different techniques restricting freedom of contract that we find in the PECL, the acquis communautaire, or the draft 'common frame of reference' (CFR). It is especially critical of anti-discrimination laws.
Résumé:Cet article se propose de réfléchir sur la position et la fonction des règles européennes communes se rapportant à la liberté contractuelle et plus spécifiquement au rôle des règles obligatoires et non obligatoires en général. Après avoir abordé cette question de manière générale dans la première partie, la seconde partie de cet article traite des diverses techniques limitant la liberté contractuelles présentent dans les PECL, l'acquis communautaire ou encore le projet d'un cadre commun de références. L'article est notamment très critique à l'égard de toute législation anti-discrimination.
Zusammenfassung:Der Zweck dieses Beitrags ist die Darstellung der Einordnung sowie der Funktion der gemeinschaftlichen europäischen Regelungen im Hinblick auf die Begrenzung der Privatautonomie und insbesondere auf die allgemeine Funktion der zwingenden und nicht zwingenden Vorschriften. Nachdem im ersten Abschnitt dieses Thema allgemein behandelt wird, widmet sich der zweite Teil den verschiedenen Methoden der Begrenzung von Privatautonomie, die man in den PECL, in der acquis communautaire oder auch in dem Entwurf 'common frame of reference' (CFR) wieder finden kann. Der Beitrag ist insbesondere kritisch gegenüber Antidiskriminierungsgesetze.

The evidence from parliamentary and legal processes flowing from the European Union referendum in June 2016 and the vote to leave – including invoking Article 50 and subsequent Withdrawal Bill votes, nuancing of party positions in Parliament, adopting parliamentary scrutiny through ongoing party competition and subsequent legislation – suggests a strong resettling of Parliament's sovereignty based on a potentially new, enhanced constitutional settlement. Two significant precedented, historical constitutional forms, strongly dependent upon Burke's and Dicey's view of government by consent, prove central to the further resettling of parliamentary sovereignty following the European Union referendum. This approach contrasts with theories asserting that sovereignty is being challenged by unwieldy executive authority, popular sovereignty, or democratic nostalgia. When the United Kingdom's present day, post-1973 constitutional form is in conflict with a new feature, as in the case of the European Union referendum, a contemporary resettling of parliamentary sovereignty occurs.

The central argument of this book is that the univocal ontology and corresponding immanent metaphysics of the French philosopher Gilles Deleuze (1925-1995) can provide a theoretical perspective capable of accounting for the complex nature of world politics. Drawing on a wide variety of Deleuze's writings, it develops a thorough investigation of his ontology and metaphysics as they pertain to core questions of world politics such as power, identity, hierarchy, space, time, territory and the state. The book explores the dynamics of contemporary world politics and issues by focusing on the 'anti' or 'alter-globalization movement' (AGM). It analyses several approaches to social and political theory which deal explicitly with the AGM including global governance theory, international relations, social movement theory, Marxism, and post-Marxism. These are contrasted with a larger Deleuzian theory which can be of use when addressing the diffuse, and often paradoxical aspects of world politics. Deleuze's work poses a major challenge to traditional understanding of global politics and this book will be of considerable interest to those with an interest in social and political theory, critical international relations and globalization studies.

The jurisprudence of the CJEU and the national constitutional courts referring to the national constitutional identities of the Members States fits into the framework of constitutional pluralism as modus vivendi of the European legal order. This paper focuses in particular on the recent judgments of the Polish and Czech constitutional courts. One might perceive a more general tendency in the process of EU integration to dominate the EU policies increasingly with national agendas. As a result, the EU policies might be held hostage by the interests of the stronger Member States. These tendencies enhance the tensions inherent in the pluralist structure of the relationships between legal orders in the European arena. Constitutional identity is yet another concept used in this debate about the ultimate authority. Pluralism assumes that the courts will compete over the ultimate authority and will try to use such concept "to their advantage". With regard to art.4 (2) TEU the CJEU seems to have more persuasive power than the TK or the ÚS. However, the jurisprudence is definitely not settled yet. The interweavement of national, European and international law creates the need to examine the constitutional identity expressed to the inside and to the outside of the EU. Pure heterarchy based on a balance of powers and protection of national constitutions and constitutional courts comes with the inherent risk of leading to a logic of "might is right". On the other hand, even though one could identify cases where the judicial actors seem to miss an opportunity to improve the protection of individual rights or disclose too much eagerness to ensure its own authority, it is how the system of constitutional pluralism functions. It has the ambition of improving the quality of the judgments and creating a framework for fruitful interaction of competing visions of Europe. Single criticisable judgments do not put in question the viability of the whole framework, but it is important to be aware of the systemic risks.

In this article I investigate emancipatory spaces in masculinity studies with the guidance of Karen Barad's work, and in particular concepts such as diffraction and interference. For my purposes, Karen Barad's work opens up for understanding critical differences within regulated emotional spaces and stale relationalities of masculine gender configurations. Diffracted readings in masculinity studies could extend the symbolic space for acceptable forms of intimacy and possibly create emancipatory openings for hegemonic and dominant forms of lust communions. I argue that a sensual and conceptual key to alternative routes of masculine gendered subjectivities is intimacy and vulnerability. As such, vulnerability also connotes and produces a range of conceptual and embodied dyads and triads; empowered-disempowered; embodied-disembodied-ablebodied; homosocial-homoerotic-homosexual; potent-impotent; human-nonhuman; old-young, to mention a few. Vulnerability is also an onto-epistemological vantage point that hopefully and possibly could work our way around classical binaries and do a well-needed job as a form of emancipatory compass.

This article analyses how in the main political talk show on television in Spain, La Sexta Noche, the main themes of the European agenda were silenced or conditioned by the themes of the national, regional and local agenda during the last European elec-tions. The media debate was oriented towards an analysis of the results of national elections and the campaign for regional and local elections that al-lowed for a greater spectacle, thanks to the shock effect of such polarized ideol-ogies and the trivialization of national politics. This research has studied all the shows of the programme broad-cast as of the national elections on 28th April 2019 up until the European elections held on 26th May 2019, ana-lysing the main topics covered and the kind and tone of discourses made. Due to the fact that controversial political issues are preferred to more relevant ones in order to generate a spectacle and bigger audiences, the results in-dicate that the political talk show an-alysed contributes to the trivialization of debates and the impoverishment of public space, aided by formal elements inherent in the infotainment genre. ; Sin financiación ; No data JCR 2020 ; 0.154 SJR (2020) Q3, 340/508 Communication ; 0,660 IDR (2020) C1, 10/62 Comunicación ; UEM

Cheap labor. Minimal regulations. Bribable officials. Foreign corporations attracted to China because of its low cost of business have avoided the unionization desired by the Chinese Communist Party ("CCP") despite China's history of weak trade union laws and inconsistent enforcement of union mandates. However, recent concerns of social unrest have forced the CCP to consider reforming the political tools used to control Chinese society. The CCP wants to create social stability, avoid independent unionization, and prevent the westernization of China. Foreign Investment Enterprises ("FIEs") present new challenges for labor market regulation in China with their large number of non-unionized workers revolting at poor working conditions, as well as FIEs' importation of western values. The Trade Union Law amendment of 2001 affords the All-China Federation of Trade Unions ("ACFTU") more avenues of enforcement through which to force FIEs to unionize and obliges the ACFTU to become a greater presence in private enterprises—especially FIEs. Moreover, the proposed (draft) Labor Contract Law provides the ACFTU with greater oversight power through which to monitor the actions of FIEs and Chinese workers. The new regulatory environment providing greater legal authority to the ACFTU does not need to cause foreign enterprises to withdraw from China out of fear of increased unionization or further legislation. The ACFTU and CCP value harmonious relationships over striking workers and value foreign business. Moreover, unionization will help consolidate workers under the socialist regime of the CCP, creating a more stable society and working environment in China, which ultimately will benefit FIEs. China's battle with FIEs to increase unionization is being waged by the CCP in order to enable the CCP to control the Chinese workforce and minimize outside influence, not in order to impose stricter conditions on foreign investment and take control over foreign business from enterprise management.

Labor, as embodied by the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), is perceived by many as a monolithic force but, in reality, is composed of a coalition of sometimes competing interests. Not surprisingly, and often raucously, the unions within the AFL-CIO compete for members in both representation and work assignment disputes. Traditional legal doctrine implies that National Labor Relations Board (NLRB or Board) proceedings present the only means to resolve inter-union disputes and that these disputes can be understood solely as legal issues; however, this is not the case. For almost thirty years, the AFL-CIO has maintained its own internal dispute resolution mechanism under Article XX of its constitution. Intended to avoid resort to NLRB procedures, this internal dispute resolution plan is little noticed within the wider labor-management community. This Article proposes to bring the AFL-CIO process to the fore. In achieving this end, this Article describes the process on several levels. Level one will be historical, describing Article XX's origins and workings. The thesis of this Article is that Article XX is an important mechanism within the labor movement that strengthens the AFLCIO coalition, providing its members with a "voice." At a time of union decline, the Internal Disputes Plan provides a mechanism for avoiding destructive competition and allocating scarce resources; it, therefore, both enhances and protects solidarity. Article XX decisions provide a cohesive body of doctrine that reveal how a political organization functions in the overwhelmingly legal environment of modern labor relations. To the extent Article XX decisions illustrate values or policies not reflected in court or Board decisions, they provide new information about labor relations, and can suggest possible deficiencies in current labor law and Board procedures. Part II of this Article will explain, in a preliminary fashion, what inter-union disputes are, and why they are significant. 6 In Part ...