Search results

The need for child care is a work-life issue that affects families across all income levels. These issues are particularly challenging in rural areas, where nontraditional child care services may be more limited. Using data from a rural county in Virginia, this article examines income level differences in parents' reported child care needs. We compare income groups along six variables. Our results suggest that lower income households have significantly more child care needs than moderate or upper income households along three of the variables: need for different hours, need for child care closer to home, and need for special-needs child care. These findings have implications for human resource managers as they consider work-life policies in their organization.

This ground-breaking book investigates how Arctic indigenous communities deal with the challenges of climate change and how they strive to develop self-determination. Adopting an anthropological focus on Greenland's vision to boost extractive industries and transform society, the book examines how indigenous communities engage with climate change and development discourses. It applies a critical and comparative approach, integrating both local perspectives and adaptation research from Canada and Greenland to make the case for recasting the way the Arctic and Inuit are approached conceptually and politically. The emphasis on indigenous peoples as future-makers and right-holders paves the way for a new understanding of the concept of indigenous knowledge and a more sensitive appreciation of predicaments and dynamics in the Arctic. This book will be of interest to post-graduate students and researchers in environmental studies, development studies and area studies.--

Instead of governmental support, increasingly more and more art workers and cultural organisations are being forced to engage with crowdfunding as a legitimate means to finance artistic practice by draw- ing on their networks, primarily their friends, family, neighbours and colleagues. While this reliance on distributed networks is celebrated, there is very little attention paid to the balance of trade-offs and returns in this model. The excessive reliance on colleagues or 'friends' entails other dynamics in these tit-for-tat exchanges, which need to be unpacked: affect, exploitation, and indebtedness. Relationships with people become even more entangled and, unlike money, which is anonymous, brokering agency for artistic projects results in a negotiation of social relations. Will crowdfunding en masse lead to a new model for the distribution of wealth as is claimed or is it a commodification of one's very own social relations?

AbstractRefugees often imagine resettlement to the USA to be a solution to their problems, but the process of resettlement is full of social, cultural and economic hurdles. Through an ethnographic analysis of a resettlement agency, this research shows that refugee employment specialists consistently track refugees into low‐wage and contingent work even when refugees have strong language skills, experience in professional work, and advanced degrees. Bureaucratic reporting structures and quota requirements create pressures on refugee employment specialists to place refugees in jobs quickly which hinders them from working towards meaningful economic self‐sufficiency. The denial of refugee autonomy in pursuit of work and economic freedoms is a human rights violation facilitated by a government failure to protect them from third‐party exploitation. This article argues that the chronic underemployment of refugees exemplifies a common, but understudied type of economic rights violation.

Phillip Siebert is mustered as a substitute soldier in the United States Army in return for $300. ; https://digitalcommons.wofford.edu/littlejohnmss/1021/thumbnail.jpg

The recent challenges by Mao of Kremlin leadership in the Soviet bloc and by De Gaulle of American leadership in the Western bloc have made the foundations of the Cold War unstable. China defied all the rules of the nuclear club, until she could get into it; France accepted the new principle that national sovereignty now resides in oblitera tive capacity and that prestige depends upon it. De Gaulle's design for Europe calls for forbidding all peace-making until the Americans no longer need their land bases in Europe and leave and until the new Europe is strong enough to deal with a Soviet Union which, eventually weakened by conflict with China, will have no choice but to join the great Gaullist Euro pean family. The prospect of a European power independent of the United States and unchecked by Great Britain drew protest from Moscow. In view of these circumstances, making peace in co-operation with Russia is not out of the question. The United States and the Soviet Union, the two great powers, have been drifting toward a common ground. Peace with Russia has gained in credibility, but peace with China has not in the public mind, although the requirements for the continua tion of civilized life may demand it. In the interest of survival, the game of playing power politics as if the nuclear missile had not been invented must be discontinued by all. National security which rests on the stock-piling of ultimate weapons is an illusion. Mutual trust is the only adequate basis for true and solid peace among nations.—Ed.

AbstractThis study explores how authoritarian distributive policies may not only generate political support for the autocrat but may also help sustain powerful and lasting authoritarian legacies. We use microlevel data from South Korea's New Village Movement, a 1970s rural development program implemented under dictator Park Chung‐hee and widely touted as contributing to the country's rapid economic development. Our analysis shows that townships in receipt of larger cash transfers cast more votes for Park's incumbent party in the subsequent election. More importantly, we show that the effects of the subsidies still appeared almost four decades later in 2012, when the dictator's daughter was democratically elected as the president of South Korea. We show that these effects were not driven by villagers' long‐term income gains or enhanced social capital due to the program but by the unwavering support of the beneficiary villagers for the dictator, whose legacy remained strong long after democratization.

This Article analyses the way in which conception about teaching profession has been built. My aim is to analyze profesionalization as a long-lasting notion and how new meanings has been recently linked to it. Moreover, I will analyse the circulation of senses and discourses that regulate and organize the teachers work, and that specifically refers to the multiple ways in which teachers assume, live and think about their task, and the problems, challenges and utopias that they bring up around it. The notion of teacher professionalization is placed in this discursive horizon as the signifier by means of which teachers were interpelled within the framework of education reforms. Therefor, I analize a concept of teacher position. The theoretical point of view is political analysis of the discourse is developed on a post-structuralist conception of the social, the ontological nature of the political, a discursive perspective of the Gramscian conception of hegemony. ; Documento incorporado en 2019 en el marco del "Programa de becas de experiencia laboral" de la Biblioteca Profesor Guillermo Obiols para estudiantes de Bibliotecología, a partir de un procedimiento técnico de captura de datos desarrollado por el personal del IdIHCS. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación