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AbstractSince the 2010 elections, the current Hungarian government has proven to be a very active and restless "memory warrior" (Bernard and Kubik 2014). The ruling party, Viktor Orbán's Fidesz, shows both a neat understanding of national history and the ability to transmit it by the adoption of different tools. This politics of memory is instrumental in granting the government political legitimacy. By ruling out oppositional actors and their historical narratives from the public sphere, Fidesz presents itself as the primary champion of Hungarian national sovereignty. Hungarians is, then, portrayed as a nation that has long suffered from the yoke of external oppression in which the Ottomans, the Habsburgs, the Soviets and eventually the Europeans figure as the enemies of the Hungarians. Specific collective memories, including the Treaty of Trianon (1920), Nazi occupation (1944–5) and socialist period (1948–90), are targeted so as to enact a sense of national belonging and pride, as well as resentment against foreigners. Moreover, in its rejection of the pluralism of memories and yearn for the homogenization of national history by marginalizing unfitting elements, this politics of memory is consistent with the System of National Cooperation (Batory 2016) that Fidesz's administration has tried to establish in Hungary. This paper carries out an in-depth analysis of Fidesz's multilayered politics of memory by investigating both its internal and external dimensions separately. In the final section, conclusions are drawn up to summarize its key tenets. Official speeches, legislative acts, and four interviews with key historians of Hungary have been used as sources.

22 pages ; In this paper we use the notion of distributable surplus, introduced by Allais (1943) and Luenberger (1992), to evaluate the capacity of European countries to repay their debts. In our analysis, we use Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) models to simulate di erent policies that can be implemented to achieve debt sustainability. We rst evaluate the quantity of distributable surplus that can be extracted from policies aiming at increasing the quantity of labor and/or capital available in the economy. We show that the results are very sensitive whether we consider de cits before and after the recent nancial and economic crises. Then, assuming that governments are able to capture all the distributable surpluses, we compute the date at which they are able to repay their debts. In particular, we nd that most EU countries, excepted Germany and to lesser extent France and the UK, cannot achieve debt sustainability. We nally discuss the usefulness of Eurobonds.

22 pages ; In this paper we use the notion of distributable surplus, introduced by Allais (1943) and Luenberger (1992), to evaluate the capacity of European countries to repay their debts. In our analysis, we use Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) models to simulate di erent policies that can be implemented to achieve debt sustainability. We rst evaluate the quantity of distributable surplus that can be extracted from policies aiming at increasing the quantity of labor and/or capital available in the economy. We show that the results are very sensitive whether we consider de cits before and after the recent nancial and economic crises. Then, assuming that governments are able to capture all the distributable surpluses, we compute the date at which they are able to repay their debts. In particular, we nd that most EU countries, excepted Germany and to lesser extent France and the UK, cannot achieve debt sustainability. We nally discuss the usefulness of Eurobonds.

22 pages ; In this paper we use the notion of distributable surplus, introduced by Allais (1943) and Luenberger (1992), to evaluate the capacity of European countries to repay their debts. In our analysis, we use Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) models to simulate di erent policies that can be implemented to achieve debt sustainability. We rst evaluate the quantity of distributable surplus that can be extracted from policies aiming at increasing the quantity of labor and/or capital available in the economy. We show that the results are very sensitive whether we consider de cits before and after the recent nancial and economic crises. Then, assuming that governments are able to capture all the distributable surpluses, we compute the date at which they are able to repay their debts. In particular, we nd that most EU countries, excepted Germany and to lesser extent France and the UK, cannot achieve debt sustainability. We nally discuss the usefulness of Eurobonds.

Working Paper GATE 2009-20 ; International audience ; The aim of this work is to assess the impact of financial crises on output for 11 European transition economies (CEECs). The results suggest that financial crises have a significant and permanent effect, lowering long-term output by about 17 percent. The effect is more important in smaller countries, with relative higher dependence on external financing, and in which the banking sector noticed more important financial disequilibria. We also found that fiscal policy measures have been the most efficient tools in dealing with the crises, while the role of monetary policy instruments has been rather blinded. Exchange rate resulted to be more a propagator than a crises absorber, while the IMF credit has been found to have positive (but not significant) impact on growth performance. Finally, the effect for the CEECs is much bigger than in the EU advanced economies, for which we found that financial crises lowers long-term output only by 2 percent.

Working Paper GATE 2009-20 ; International audience ; The aim of this work is to assess the impact of financial crises on output for 11 European transition economies (CEECs). The results suggest that financial crises have a significant and permanent effect, lowering long-term output by about 17 percent. The effect is more important in smaller countries, with relative higher dependence on external financing, and in which the banking sector noticed more important financial disequilibria. We also found that fiscal policy measures have been the most efficient tools in dealing with the crises, while the role of monetary policy instruments has been rather blinded. Exchange rate resulted to be more a propagator than a crises absorber, while the IMF credit has been found to have positive (but not significant) impact on growth performance. Finally, the effect for the CEECs is much bigger than in the EU advanced economies, for which we found that financial crises lowers long-term output only by 2 percent.

Working Paper GATE 2009-20 ; International audience ; The aim of this work is to assess the impact of financial crises on output for 11 European transition economies (CEECs). The results suggest that financial crises have a significant and permanent effect, lowering long-term output by about 17 percent. The effect is more important in smaller countries, with relative higher dependence on external financing, and in which the banking sector noticed more important financial disequilibria. We also found that fiscal policy measures have been the most efficient tools in dealing with the crises, while the role of monetary policy instruments has been rather blinded. Exchange rate resulted to be more a propagator than a crises absorber, while the IMF credit has been found to have positive (but not significant) impact on growth performance. Finally, the effect for the CEECs is much bigger than in the EU advanced economies, for which we found that financial crises lowers long-term output only by 2 percent.

This article first examines the ways in which coca leaf acquired an important symbolic value in forging a counter-hegemonic discourse that wove together various strands of class and cultural identity struggles in the Chapare province, Bolivia. The second line of enquiry that runs through this article deals with the conflicts that arose when the coca union mutated into a governing political party. Now that the coca growers' leader, Evo Morales, is President of the Republic he is obliged by the international community to reduce the amount of land under coca cultivation. To do this President Morales has had to rhetorically pull coca leaf apart from Andean tradition. This presents a challenge to the integrity of indigenous-peasant based movements in the Chapare because it brings attention to their constructed nature and thus questions the authenticity of the originario identity.

La crisis mundial ha sido el catalizador de una serie de procesos en diferentes regiones. Varios de ellos, si no todos, sumieron a la Unión Europea (UE) en una deliberación existencial. En su estela, no sólo la dirección futura de la UE, sino también el sentido básico de continuar dentro del bloque han sido ampliamente cuestionados. Este increíble proyecto, que alguna vez simbolizó una realidad de paz y prosperidad, parece, en estos días, más bien la sombra de esa vieja ambición. La UE parece débil, incapaz de lidiar con sus problemas, e incomprensible en sus decisiones para sus propios ciudadanos. El libro aborda diferentes crisis o, si se prefiere, diferentes aspectos de la crisis, aunque el foco no está colocado en los problemas generados por la mo- neda común y la zona euro, extensamente discutidos en una gran variedad de obras individuales y colectivas a lo largo de los últimos años. Nos queremos concentrar, en cambio, en la explicación de aspectos menos explorados, como la crisis de liderazgo en Europa, la falta de visión de futuro, la crisis de la democracia representativa, y el auge de partidos anti-UE. Asimismo, la crisis humanitaria de los refugiados desde 2015 siembra dudas acerca del papel de la UE como defensora del Estado de dere- cho, la buena gobernanza y solidaridad en otras partes del mundo, e interpela a las sociedades europeas sobre sus propios valores. A estos desafíos se suman las amena- zas terroristas en suelo europeo, y las amenazas provenientes de conflictos en países vecinos como Ucrania.

Die mitgliedstaatliche Judikative spielt eine bedeutende Rolle im Rahmen der rechtlichen Integration der Europäischen Union. Um dieser Rolle gerecht zu werden, bedarf es aufgrund bestehender kompetenzieller Grenzen der horizontalen Kooperation der mitgliedstaatlichen Gerichte bei der Anwendung und Auslegung des Unionsrechts. Diese Kooperation ist im Institut der Rechtshilfe gebündelt, welches begrifflich jedoch bisher im Unionsrecht keine rechtsgebietsübergreifende Konturierung erfahren hat, auf dem Gebiet der nach deutschem Verständnis klassischen Verwaltungssachen nicht einmal eine selektive Regelung. Diese Studie macht das Gebiet der unionsrechtlichen Rechtshilfe unter Bezugnahme auf das Referenzgebiet der Verwaltungssachen zum Gegenstand einer ersten Systematisierung und Begriffsbildung. Anschließend werden aufgrund der bestehenden Unzulänglichkeiten des derzeitigen Regelungsstandes Ansatzpunkte einer möglichen, für Rechtsklarheit sorgenden, Kodifikation aufgezeigt