Suchergebnisse

The Norwegian left and the Finnish centre : what, no capital "L" liberal parties? / David Arter -- The Danish liberal parties / Karina Kosiara-Pedersen -- The Centre Party and the Liberals : the Swedish members of the Liberal party family? / Niklas Bolin -- Liberalism in the Netherlands : the VVD and D66 / Gerrit Voerman -- Belgian liberals : living apart together / Vivien Sierens -- Diversity, unity and beyond : the Swiss liberals / Oscar Mazzoleni -- Liberal parties in Austria / Laurenz Ennser-Jedenastik and Anita Bodlos -- It's (not only) the economy, stupid? : past and future of the German Liberal Party / Sebastian U. Bukow -- The UK Liberal Democrats : liberalism at a crossroads / Alan Wager and Tim Bale -- Fianna Fáil : in the liberals but not of the liberals / Conor Little and David M. Farrell -- Nuanced liberalism : the weakness of liberal parties in Spain / Lidia Núñez -- Liberal parties in Central and Eastern Europe : between success and failure / Blagovesta Cholova and Jean-Michel De Waele -- Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia / Daunis Auers -- The liberals in Europe : the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe / Wouter Wolfs and Steven Van Hecke -- Liberal parties and elections : electoral performances and profile of voters / Caroline Close and Pascal Delwit -- Governmental participation and alliances of liberal parties in Europe / Johan Hellström and Daniel Walther -- The liberal party family ideology : distinct, but diverse / Caroline Close -- How liberal parties organize / Stefanie Beyens, Emilie van Haute, Tom Verthé -- Conclusion : liberal parties in Europe / Caroline Close and Emilie van Haute.

Since the early 1960s, Turkish nationals have immigrated to the European Union in large numbers. Germany, the Netherlands, and Belgium have the highest Turkish populations in the European Union and have managed differing models of incorporation. A number of motivating factors have contributed to the unflagging numbers of Turks such as the implementation of guest-worker programs, the reunification of families, and microstructures within migratory chains. Though the likelihood of Turkey gaining membership to the European Union has dimmed as of late, the mere possibility of its joining warrants the analysis of Turkish immigration to the EU, as it could shed light on the social and economic changes that could occur with Turkish membership to the EU. This analytical paper will detail the impacts of the varying methods of incorporation employed by the receiving countries and examine the historical patterns and impacts of Turkish immigration in the European Union.

The Netherlands, Belgium and Luxembourg are well-known cases of consensus politics. Traditionally, decision-making in the Low Countries has been characterized by broad involvement, power sharing and making compromises. These countries were also founding member states of the European Union (EU) and its predecessors. However, the relationship between European integration and the tradition of domestic consensus politics remains unclear. In order to explore this relationship this paper presents the conceptual framework and a short summary of the recently published book European Integration and Consensus Politics in the Low Countries (edited by Hans Vollaard, Jan Beyers and Patrick Dumont; Routledge). The authors discuss how consensus politics would shape the impact of European integration. They also analyse whether European integration may undermine the fundamental characteristics of consensus politics in the Low Countries. Drawing on consociationalism and Europeanization research, they provide a comprehensive overview of Europeanization in the three Low Countries as well as a better understanding of the varieties of consensus politics across and within these countries. In doing this they refer to a wide range of in-depth studies on a variety of political actors such as governments, parliaments, political parties, courts, ministries and interest groups as well as key policy issues such as the ratification of EU treaties and migration policy. Their most important observation is that European integration has changed the substance of consensus politics in some policy-areas, but barely the domestic political practice itself.

-Roughly two thirds of the European Union's budget is financed out of member states' national tax revenues. These resources, based on gross national incomes, are transparent, fair and in line with the principle of subsidiarity but they lead to political debates that emphasise the cost of EU spending rather than the benefits, and add to the perception of the EU budget in terms of net balances, rather than value added. -The financing of the EU budget must be reassessed in the light of the July 2020 decision to launch the Next Generation EU programme. Budget resources could include a plastics charge, a carbon border adjustment mechanism, a digital tax, revenues from emissions trading and a financial transactions tax. We evaluate these options against four criteria: whether the origin of the revenue can be assigned to a particular member state; whether the revenue can be raised in isolation or requires pan-European tax coordination; whether the new resource can help reduce tax distortions in the EU; and whether the resource is related to EU policies. -Revenues from emissions allowances fit these criteria best. Carbon emissions do not primarily cause damage only where they occur. Taking the EU cap on emissions as a given, additional emissions in a particular member state should be regarded as a negative externality on other member states. Emission reduction objectives are set at EU level. Whoever auctions off an allowance, wherever the corresponding emission occurs in the EU, and wherever the resulting good or service is consumed, the impact on common policy outcomes is the same. In this regard, proceeds from the sale of emissions trading system allowances are not that different from customs duties. -Compared to the ETS, the other candidates for EU own resources are less convincing. Carbon border adjustments are intended to limit international competitive distortions rather than to generate revenue. Digital taxes and minimum corporate taxes are best left to the process underway in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. On a financial transactions tax there is no agreement within the EU. -Total ETS revenues up to 2050 would approach €800 billion in a realistic scenario and possibly even €1.5 trillion assuming the scope of the ETS and the share of auctioned permits are increased. ETS revenues therefore would be largely sufficient to repay the Next Generation EU debt. However they would generate distributional effects, and so part of the revenues should finance grandfathered rights that would accrue to the member states. The EU can tackle the distributional issues involved in the reform of own resources.

In 1992 the Maastricht Treaty gave the EU a legal public health mandate. Article 152 EC (168 TFEU) states "A high level of human health protection shall be ensured in the definition and implementation of all Union policies and activities". Yet, health and healthcare systems remain a Member State competence. ; N/A

Health is, beside of other services and commodities, e.g. education or social housing, a merit, quasi-public good. Since private provision of health services would presumptively not be sufficient in quality and quantity, one could argue there is a responsibility by the state to provide a sufficient amount of health services to its population. However, it is difficult to quantify the sufficient amount with public goods, in general. One required component of the healthcare provision is infrastructure, such as hospitals, operation theaters etc. and its related equipment, such as beds, imaging devices etc. To estimate the existing infrastructure in the European countries, without an on-the-ground evaluation, we use investment time series for tangible and intangible assets (Gross Fixed Capital Formation) reported to Eurostat and compute Capital Stock for each country, using the Perpetual Inventory Method (PIM) considering country specific depreciation rates and growth rates for each included asset. Based on the last computed capital stock in 2016 as benchmark, we evaluate the effect of the global financial crises in 2008. Furthermore, we run two future scenarios for EU28 in total and each country: (I) how much annual investment is needed, such that the capital stocks keep pace with annual GDP growth rates and (II) how much annual investment is needed, such that the 2016 capital stock per capita can be maintained in the future.

"Die Geschlechterpolitik der Europäischen Union befindet sich derzeit in einer Phase der Neukonsolidierung, die insbesondere vor dem Hintergrund der Diskussion um ein 'Sozialmodell Europa', wie sie im Zusammenhang mit der Lissabon-Strategie geführt wird, von Bedeutung ist. Die Diskussion um ein wie auch immer gelagertes transnationales Sozialmodell wirft zentrale Fragestellungen hinsichtlich der Verortung und Anerkennung der Geschlechter auf. Zunächst soll in dem Beitrag die Geschlechterpolitik der Europäischen Union einem kritischen Resümee hinsichtlich ihrer normativen Grundlagen unterzogen werden. In einem zweiten Schritt soll dann das Instrument des Gender Mainstreaming als vorläufig konkretestes Ergebnis europäischer Geschlechterpolitik in den Fokus gerückt werden. Dabei steht hier als geschlechterpolitisches Paradigma die Verteilungsgerechtigkeit im Vordergrund, insofern die Analyse der Auswirkungen von Maßnahmen auf Geschlechter im Zentrum steht und in der Folge gegebenenfalls eine Umverteilung zugunsten des benachteiligten Geschlechts stattzufinden hat. Gleichzeitig inhärieren dem Ansatz des Gender Mainstreaming noch weitere Konzepte, die in der Geschlechterpolitik der Europäischen Union bislang weniger zum Tragen kamen, insbesondere Ansätze der Repräsentation sowie komplexer Gleichheit, die Raum für anerkennungstheoretische Überlegungen lassen. In einem dritten Schritt gilt es dann, die geschlechterpolitische Relevanz des 'Sozialmodells Europa' einer Kritik zu unterziehen, insbesondere vor dem Hintergrund der Fragestellung, inwieweit hier Gerechtigkeitsvorstellungen zum Tragen kommen. Dabei gilt es zu überprüfen, inwieweit hier ein Nebeneinander von Verteilung, Anerkennung und Repräsentation angedacht ist und wie dies umgesetzt werden soll. Von besonderer Bedeutung ist hierbei die exemplarische Betrachtung der Einflussnahme der EU auf die Sozialpolitik mittels der 'Offenen Methode der Koordinierung' in immer mehr Politikfeldern, die in den Bereichen der Beschäftigungspolitik sowie der Bekämpfung von Armut und Ausgrenzung schon weit voran geschritten ist und beispielsweise in den Bereichen Alterssicherung, Gesundheitsvorsorge und Langzeitpflege derzeit eingeführt wird. Hier werden in bislang nicht gekannter Weise Positionierungen der Geschlechter vorgenommen, die hier exemplarisch und vergleichend diskutiert werden sollen. Abschließend werden einige Überlegungen dazu angestellt, inwieweit die Europäische Union als Anerkennungsordnung zu denken sein könnte - beispielsweise als 'Europa der BürgerInnen'." (Autorenreferat)

Examines extent to which women's networking activities are identified with EU policy; based on a survey of national and local women's voluntary organizations, local government equality officers, and trade unions, Feb.-July 1994; Great Britain. Focuses on employment and training, pay/pensions, equal rights, childcare/parental leave, maternity rights, and barriers to effective EU networking.

The new European rules on bank insolvency seek to prevent future government-funded bailouts. Instead, risks should be internalized by the participants. The rules in the Bank Recovery and Resolution Directive and also the Single Resolution Mechanism seek to mimic the outcome of a normal insolvency procedures, without actually letting a failing institution enter full insolvency procedures. The rules enacted are of critical importance to a healthier and more stable financial sector. This book presents three reports in which the new rules are explained and criticized where needed. Professor Joossen discusses the bail-in mechanisms, while Nuijten analyses the legal protection offered to stakeholders against intervention under the Single Resolution Mechanism - or the lack thereof. Finally, Clancy considers the potential use of the new resolution tools in the context of counterparties, in particular repo and derivative counterparties to a financial institution

This article examines the organization & development of the Mid-Atlantic European Union Simulation Consortium (MEUSC), with special emphasis on linking theory to practice within its simulation program. The MEUSC program, initiated in 1993, brings fifteen colleges & universities to Washington, DC, each Dec for an intercollegiate experiential learning exercise on the European Union. During the simulation, students meet with professional diplomats from both the US & Europe, & they engage in consensus-building activities that mirror the decision-making processes of the EU Commission, Parliament, Council of Ministers, & the European Council. As a result, participants are able to refine & enhance a range of academic & practical skills that are keys for success in today's political & business worlds. The authors of this article make special use of a survey that was undertaken to gauge the impact of the simulation on its participants &, thus, its success as an educational venture. 3 Tables, 20 References. Adapted from the source document.