Suchergebnisse

Hailed by many as a game-changer in political communication, Twitter has made its way into election campaigns all around the world. The European Parliamentary elections, taking place simultaneously in 28 countries, give us a unique comparative vision of the way the tool is used by candidates in different national contexts. This volume is the fruit of a research project bringing together scholars from 6 countries, specialised in communication science, media studies, linguistics and computer science. It seeks to characterise the way Twitter was used during the 2014 European election campaign, providing insights into communication styles and strategies observed in different languages and outlining methodological solutions for collecting and analysing political tweets in an electoral context. ; Alex Frame, Arnaud Mercier, Gilles Brachotte & Caja Timm: "General Introduction" 7 // Éric Leclercq, Marinette Savonnet, Tierry Grison, Sergey Kirgizov & Ian Basaille: "SNFreezer: a Platform for Harvesting and Storing Tweets in a Big Data Context" 19 // Dario Compagno: "Families of Practices. A Bottom-up Approach to Differentiate How French Candidates Made Use of Twitter during the 2014 European Campaign" 33 // Tatiana Kondrashova & Alex Frame: "Exploring the Dialogical Dimension of Political Tweets: A Qualitative Analysis of 'Twitter Styles' of UK Candidates during the 2014 EU Parliamentary Elections" 53 // Nanta Novello Paglianti: "Twitter et la politique : stratégies de communication de candidats et espace public" 75 // Arnaud Mercier: "Les figures de l'ennemi dans les tweets- polémiques des forces protestataires françaises durant la campagne de mai 2014" 101 // Marina Villa: "Les discours sur l'Europe dans la tweet- campagne en Italie" 121 // Elena Albu: "Love Britain? Vote UKIP! The Pragmatics of Electoral Tweets during the European Elections 2014" 145 // Frédéric Junger & Gilles Brachotte: "Élections européennes de mai 2014 : étude des données du corpus français de TEE 2014 afin d'appréhender les usages des candidats et la circulation de l'information sur Twitter"173 // Caja Timm, Jessica Einspänner-Pfock & Mario Anastasiadis: "Twitter during the 2014 European Elections in Germany – Analyzing Politicians' Campaigning Strategies" 197 // Vittorio Cobianchi, Maria Francesca Murru & Marina Villa: "Twitter and Double Screen in Italy during the 2014 European Elections" 223 // Fernando Bonete Vizcaino, Elena Cebrián Guinovart & Tamara Vázquez Barrio: "Pablo Iglesias' Tweeting Style: Unsuccessfully Aspiring to Renew Spanish Political Discourse" 251 // ; https://www.peterlang.com/view/title/18894

El Barroco atrae la atención hacia lo visible, lo espectacular y lo sancionado por el poder. Se empeña en encauzar la percepción de los súbditos mediante las noticias oficialistas de las gacetas y en formar la memoria histórica mediante pinturas, lápidas y relaciones de sucesos. Así, los medios de comunicación emergentes se suelen asociar con nociones positivas tales como noticia u opinión pública. Este estudio indaga el factor secreto como parte y contrapunto de la creación de terrenos y estratos de información, desinformación o también de lagunas informativas. De este modo intenta calibrar la compleja relación entre noticia, poder y disidencia en los ámbitos cortesanos y diplomáticos durante la minoría de edad y el ascenso al gobierno de Carlos II. Se centrará en tres fenómenos: el pasquín, recurso eficaz en la manipulación de la imagen del poder; el aviso, canal que permite eludir el control de la información anhelado por los personajes dominantes de la corte; la carta particular, portadora de datos valiosos, expuesta siempre a las asechan-zas de enemigos o vendedores de secretos. Finalmente, se relacionarán los progresos y cambios en la difusión de noticias con la cambiante percepción del «presente» y con los «mundos» patentes, secretos o imaginados en el teatro. ; The Baroque Age calls attention to spectacle and power. It directs perception through official news in gacetas and forms historical memory through paintings, tombstones or relaciones de sucesos. Thus, communication media are usually associated with positive notions like «news» or «public opinion». This essay studies secrecy as part and counterpoint in the creation of zones of information, disinformation or informational lacunae at the Madrid court during the childhood and early reign of Charles II. It will focus on three phenomena: the pasquín as an efficient tool for manipulating the image of rulers and their ministers; the aviso as a means of avoiding the control of information governments sought to impose; the private letter as a vessel of most valuable information and therefore subject to enemy attacks. Finally, the study will relate changes in the distribution of news to a new perception of the present and its reflec-tions in the imagined, secret or possible worlds acted out in theatre.

This paper compares and contrasts the coverage of consumer affairs on radio in the two very different nations of China and the UK. In China, the daily programme Tian Tian 315 regularly achieves some of the highest audiences of the state broadcaster China National Radio. In 2015 it received one of the highest national awards for journalism because of its impact on the developing consumer movement in China, the largest market economy in the world, as well as on individual consumers - its listeners. In the UK one of the main fixed points in the Radio 4 schedule of the public broadcaster the BBC is the programme You and Yours, which champions consumer rights five days a week. Moneybox takes a more specialised approach to issues over personal finance and is broadcast weekly on Radio 4. All of these programmes are broadcast during daytime, in prominent timeslots. The paper uses representative extracts from the two countries to illustrate a quantitative and qualitative comparative analysis of their public broadcasters' output and approach to consumer affairs, as well as some examples of radio having produced tangible results in improving the regulatory or commercial environment for listeners needing support as individual consumers. It also asks to what extent consumer affairs are represented in more general programming, including in news coverage on CNR and the BBC, and what is the appeal of this genre of speech radio when individual items may only be of direct relevance to a minority of those listening. Dr Ying Yu is a Research Fellow and Director of the Consumer Rights in China Programme at Wolfson College, University of Oxford. Her research focuses on consumer protection from the international comparative law and private international law perspectives. Her research interests include media representations of consumer protection policy and the law of e-commerce, financial services, tourism, dispute resolution and cross-border transactions between China and the rest of the world. Professor Guy Starkey is Associate Dean, Global Engagement at Bournemouth University. He was Chair of the Radio Research Section of ECREA (2008-14). His academic publications include the books Local Radio, Going Global (2015), Radio in Context, second edition (2014), Radio Journalism (with Professor Andrew Crisell, 2009) and Balance and Bias in Journalism: Representation, Regulation and Democracy (2007). In 2014 he published Radio: The Resilient Medium at the University of Sunderland.

Este artículo presenta los resultados de una investigación cuyo objetivo es conocer la representación de la justicia social en la escuela que poseen los estudiantes de enseñanza media, basada en su experiencia escolar y las implicancias para la formación de profesores. Se efectuó una investigación cualitativa en tres escuelas secundarias emblemáticas, en Santiago de Chile; se efectuaron entrevistas individuales y colectivas a 50 estudiantes de centros de alumnos y agrupaciones informales denominadas colectivos, cuyos establecimientos tuvieron alta participación en las movilizaciones estudiantiles entre los años 2011 y 2015; los datos se analizaron mediante el análisis de contenido por categorías. Se detectó que la participación es el núcleo de la representación de la justicia social y los contenidos periféricos son: igualdad, aceptación de la diversidad, responsabilidad por la justicia social y la ausencia de justicia social ; This article presents the results of a research study, which aims knowing the representation of social justice at the school, by high school students, based on their school experience and implications for teacher training. A qualitative research was conducted among three emblematic secondary schools in Santiago de Chile; we applied individual and group interviews to 50 students involved with student unions and collectives, which have a record of high participation in street rallies between 2011 and 2015. Data were analysed using category content analysis. We found that participation is the social justice representation's core; peripheral contents are equality, acceptance of diversity, responsibility and absence of social justice ; Este artigo apresenta os resultados de uma investigação cujo objetivo é conhecer a representação de justiça social na escola que possuem os estudantes do ensino médio, baseada em sua experiência escolar e as implicações para a formação de professores. Foi realizada uma investigação qualitativa em três escolas secundárias emblemáticas em Santiago de Chile, e foram realizadas entrevistas individuais e coletivas com 50 estudantes de centros de alunos e grupos informais denominadas coletivos, cujos estabelecimentos tiveram alta participação nas manifestações estudantis entre os anos 2011 e 2015. Os dados foram analisados mediante a análise de conteúdo por categorias. Identificou-se que a participação é o núcleo da representação de justiça social e os conteúdos periféricos são: igualdade, aceitação da diversidade, responsabilidade pela justiça social e a ausência de justiça social

La reciente sentencia del Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea en el asunto Google Spain y Google Inc. contra Agencia Española de Protección de Datos y Mario Costeja ha reconocido la responsabilidad de los motores de búsqueda en Internet y ha delimitado la aplicación territorial de la Directiva 95/46/CE, pronunciándose a favor de su aplicación en supuestos en los que la compañía que gestiona el buscador está ubicada fuera de la Unión Europea, pero tiene en un Estado miembro su filial para la comercialización de espacios publicitarios. Asimismo, el Tribunal de Justicia ha caracterizado el "derecho al olvido", determinando las circunstancias que el juez nacional habrá de tomar en consideración cuando realice la ponderación entre este derecho y las libertades de expresión e información. El presente trabajo analiza la normativa europea sobre privacidad vigente en la actualidad, la aplicación e interpretación de ésta realizada por el Tribunal de Justicia, así como la propuesta de adaptación o modernización redactada por la Comisión Europea –el futuro Reglamento general de Protección de Datos–.Palabras clave: derecho al olvido, privacidad, protección de datos personales, libertad de expresión, motores de búsqueda. Abstract: The recent judgment of the Court of Justice of the European Union in case Google Spain and Google Inc. against Spanish Data Protection Agency and Mario Costeja has established liability or responsibilities of search engines before European Law when handling personal data. The Court stated that Directive 95/46/EC applies to search engines operators if they have a subsidiary in a Member State which promotes the selling of advertising space offered by the search engine. Besides, this judgment has modeled the "right to be forgotten and has clarified the need to be balanced against other fundamental rights, such as the freedom of expression and the media –in an exercise that has to be done by national judges, in a case-by-case assessment–. This paper provides an analysis of the current European legislation on data protection and privacy, and the interpretation and application made by the Court of Justice in the case mentioned above. Finally, this paper studies the modification of the European legislation that has been proposed by the European Commission –the future General Data Protection Regulation–.Keywords: right to be forgotten, privacy, data protection, freedom of expression, search engines.

The article contemplates the contradiction between two opposite views of development. On the one hand, people in Rancho Grande, a rural area in Nicaragua, points out that the good life is environmentally balanced, with community relationships based on mutual support, equality between women and men, and with practices of economic solidarity. On the other hand, progress and modernity ideas promised by a gold mining site by the transnational company B2Gold in the territory, supported by government and mass media. This dispute is keeping the project on hold. From a feminist perspective, the most significant elements of the extractivist model implemented in Nicaragua as a strategy to reduce poverty are under question: the conflict between capital accumulation and life sustainability; the deep environmental and social impacts; gender inequalities reinforcement, and the links between patriarchy, capitalism, extractivism and colonialism. It also values rural knowledge and experiences as resistance practices to the official development discourse and the people's right to participate in decisions about their territory, to reach objectives on poverty reduction, equity, and social justice. ; El artículo plantea la contradicción existente entre dos visiones opuestas del desarrollo. Por un lado, la población de Rancho Grande, una zona rural de Nicaragua, plantea lo que consideran que es tener una buena vida, en equilibro con su entorno, las relaciones comunitarias de apoyo mutuo e igualdad entre mujeres y hombres, así como prácticas económicas solidarias. Por otro lado, las ideas de progreso y modernidad que promete una explotación minera de oro por la empresa transnacional B2Gold en el territorio. De momento, esta disputa mantiene paralizado el proyecto. Desde la perspectiva feminista se cuestionan los elementos más significativos del modelo extractivista que se está implementando en Nicaragua como una estrategia de reducción de la pobreza: el conflicto entre la acumulación de capital y la sostenibilidad de la vida; los graves impactos ambientales y sociales; la profundización de las desigualdades de género y los vínculos entre patriarcado, extractivismo, capitalismo y colonialismo. También se valoran los conocimientos y experiencias campesinas como prácticas de resistencia a los discursos oficiales sobre el desarrollo y su derecho participar en las decisiones sobre su territorio para alcanzar los objetivos de reducción de la pobreza, equidad y justicia social.

Existió una ceremonia que desde los tiempos primitivos hasta el siglo xix aproximó físicamente a las clases marginales, especialmente a sus miembros enfermos, al restringido círculo de poder que representa en todas las épocas la realeza: la curación taumatúrgica. En la Roma imperial, en la Edad Media cristiana, en las cortes modernas de Francia e Inglaterra y en la Europa napoleónica podemos rastrear testimonios gráfi cos y documentales de un ritual mágico o sagrado mediante el cual un príncipe determinado sana a sus súbditos. ¿Se manifestó este poder en la corte española? Pues más de lo que puede parecer a primera vista, si tenemos en cuenta los posibles milagros de los reyes santos, la política ilustrada metaforizada en reyes cirujanos o determinadas sanaciones atribuidas a cadáveres regios. Incluso alguna pintura cortesana como por ejemplo La recuperación de Bahía de Todos los Santos, de Juan Bautista Maíno, puede interpretarse desde esta perspectiva. La taumaturgia se convirtió allí donde surgió en manifestación de la realeza. Y cuando Napoleón hace ostentación de su poder curativo en la pintura de Gros, Bonaparte… en el hospital de Jaffa, no busca otra cosa que legitimar su autoridad al asumir un ritual propio de la monarquía divina. ; From primitive times to the nineteenth century, a ceremony existed that brought the marginalised classes, particularly the sick, physically closer to the restricted circle of power represented by royalty in all periods: thaumaturgic healing. In Imperial Rome, the Christian Middle Ages, the modern French and English courts and in Napoleonic Europe we can trace graphic and documentary testimonials of a magic or sacred ritual in which a certain prince would heal his subjects. Was this power evidenced in the Spanish court? Indeed, more than what fi rst impressions might suggest if we take into account the possible miracles of the holy monarchs, enlightened politics metaphorised in surgeon kings or certain healings attributed to royal corpses. Some royal court paintings such as Th e Recapture of Bahia, by Juan Bautista Maíno, may even be interpreted from this perspective. Wherever it occurred, thaumaturgy became a manifestation of royalty. And when Napoleon boastfully displays his healing powers in Gros's painting, Bonaparte Visiting the Plague-Stricken in Jaffa, he is clearly seeking to legitimise his authority by performing a ritual associated with the divine monarchy.

La información periodística adquiere una nueva dimensión en redes sociales como Twitter. Desde esta plataforma, los ciudadanos debaten y condicionan asuntos hasta ahora reservados a los medios de comunicación. Los periodistas ya no se limitan únicamente a informar. Los políticos disponen de un nuevo canal para comunicarse directamente con los votantes. También los movimientos sociales aprovechan la viralidad de Twitter para denunciar los abusos cometidos por el poder. Para evaluar el alcance de estos cambios en el periodismo y la comunicación política, este artículo examina las estrategias que cada tipo de usuario despliega en Twitter, mediante las metodologías del análisis de contenidos y el estudio del encuadre aplicadas a los casos de #ArdeValencia (incendios forestales de Valencia) y #25N (elecciones de Cataluña). Ambos hashtags aluden a hechos ocurridos en España en 2012. Los resultados muestran que los actores tradicionales en la esfera pública, como periodistas y políticos, tienden a autopromocionarse sin interactuar con terceros, mientras que los colectivos ciudadanos parecen interesados en fiscalizar a la clase política, al menos durante las campañas electorales. Además, se advierte el uso partidista de la etiqueta #ArdeValencia para desacreditar al Gobierno valenciano. ; News acquire a new dimension due to social networks like Twitter. In this platform, citizens discuss and gain influence in issues traditionally reserved to media. Journalists are no longer limited only to inform. Politicians have a new line to talk directly with voters. Social movements take benefit of the viral nature of Twitter to denounce the abuses of power. To evaluate the reach of these changes in journalism and political communication, the strategies used by each kind of actor on Twitter are examined in this paper through the methodologies of the content analysis and framing studies applied in the cases of #ArdeValencia (forest fires in Valencia) and #25N (elections in Catalonia). Both hashtags refer to events happened in Spain in 2012. Findings show that traditional actors in the public sphere, such as journalists and politicians, tend to promote themselves without interacting with others, while collectives of citizens seem interested in supervising political parties and politicians at least during electoral campaigns. Furthermore, a partisan use of tag #ArdeValencia is detected in order to discredit the Valencian Government.

Migrationsbewegungen – eine Chance für Interkulturelles Lernen im Geographieunterricht? Nicht nur durch moderne Medien und preiswerte Reisen ins Ausland rückt die Weltbevölkerung immer weiter zusammen - auch durch stark gestiegene Migrationsbewegungen wird unsere Gesellschaft zunehmend multikultureller. Interkulturelles Lernen stellt deswegen einen bedeutenden, wenn nicht sogar einen notwendigen Ansatz dar, um das Verständnis zwischen Menschen verschiedenster Kulturen zu fördern. Gesellschaftliche Probleme, die mit der Multikulturalität und den divergierenden Wertevorstellungen einhergehen, werden durch das gegenseitige Verständnis reduziert. Im Geographieunterricht werden seit jeher verschiedene Kulturen und Länder thematisiert. Dieses Fach ist deshalb optimal geeignet, den Schülern durch Interkulturelles Lernen nicht nur geographisches Fachwissen sondern auch das Bewusstsein für andere Wertvorstellungen und Sitten zu vermitteln. Damit sind die Schüler in der Lage, in interkulturellen Kontexten adäquat und souverän zu handeln. In der Theorie bietet der Geographieunterricht einen idealen Ort, um Interkulturelles Lernen umzusetzen. Wie aber sieht es tatsächlich im praktischen Unterricht aus? Dieser Frage wurde im Rahmen einer qua-litativen Evaluationsstudie mittels sieben leitfadengestützter Interviews mit Erdkundelehrkräften nachgegangen. Die Hypothese, dass Interkulturelles Lernen bisher im Geographieunterricht nur eine untergeordnete Rolle spielt und viele Lehrkräfte bezüglich dieser Thematik unwissend oder gar überfordert sind, wurde bestätigt. Dennoch lässt die Studie den Schluss zu, dass sich die Zuwanderung von Migranten positiv auf den Geographieunterricht auswirkt und Interkulturelles Lernen fördert. Durch geeignete Weiterbildungsmaßnahmen der Lehrkräfte und aktualisierte Rahmenrichtlinien kann diese Chance genutzt werden. ; Migration – does this include chances for intercultural learning in geography lessons? Modern media and affordable trips abroad have made the world population come closer together. Also, greatly increased international migration has aided in the growth of multicultural societies. Therefore, intercultural learning is an important, if not absolutely necessary approach to support the understanding between people from different cultures. Mutual understanding reduces social concerns which go along with multiculturalism, divergent opinions, and values or ways of life. For decades, geography lessons included varieties of cultures and countries. That is why this subject is ideal not only to teach students geographical know-how but to also strengthen their awareness for diverse moral concepts through intercultural learning. Hence, students are able to act confidently and adequately in intercultural settings. Due to this geography lessons are the perfect place to implement intercultural learning. But what is it like in reality? This question is being answered in the following qualitative evaluation. For this, nine geography teachers have been surveyed in seven guideline-based interviews. The hypothesis says that intercultural learning only plays a minor role in geography lessons. Furthermore, many teachers do not know much about this topic and cannot meet the demands of intercultural learning and multicultural classrooms. This hypothesis has been confirmed by this study.Nevertheless, the study also allows us to conclude that international migration positively affects geography lessons and promotes intercultural learning. This is an opportunity which can be used if there would be more suitable teacher training programs as well as updated curricula.

В течение последних 25 лет украинские националисты использовались для нейтрализации пророссийских сил. Сегодня они находятся на страже американских сценариев, готовы в любой момент «приструнить» как население юго-востока Украины, так и мятежных олигархов. Современный украинский национализм не обладает собственной политической субъектностью. Это объясняется не столько отсутствием широкой поддержки со стороны общества, сколько тем, что он всегда находился в орбите спецслужб: на начальном этапе преимущественно украинских, а позднее практически подпал под полный контроль ЦРУ. В ходе 3-летнего мониторинга центральных и региональных СМИ Украины накопился ряд вопросов и логических противоречий, касающихся зарождения, развития и дальнейших перспектив украинского национализма. Однако ответить на вопросы с опорой на доминирующий в научном дискурсе объективистский подход не представлялось возможным. Мы придерживаемся реляционного типа объяснения, которое выводит структуры высшего порядка из структур низшего порядка. Кроме того, потребовалась ревизия самого корпуса фактов, исключение конвенциональных наслоений и оценок, для чего пришлось прибегнуть к такому основательно подзабытому в политической науке инструменту, как наблюдение (обширный анализ видеоматериалов на хостинге YouTube).For the last 25 years, Ukrainian nationalists have been used to neutralize the pro-Russian forces. Today, they are on guard for American scenarios and are always ready to «rein in» the population of the South-Eastern Ukraine and rebellious oligarchs. Modern Ukrainian nationalism does not have its own political subjectivity. This is due not only to the lack of broad public support but also to the fact that it has always been in the orbit of the security services: on the initial stage, it was mainly Ukrainian one and later it was practically fully controlled by the CIA. Within a three-year central and regional media monitoring in Ukraine a number of questions and logical inconsistencies concerning the origin, development and future prospects of the Ukrainian nationalism have accumulated. They need to be explained. However, to accomplish them relying on objective approach that is dominant in the scientific discourse is impossible. The authors follow the relational type of explanation, which produces structures of higher order from the structures of lower one. In addition, the revision of the range of facts, exclusion of conventional layers and estimates was required. That supposed the implication of method of monitoring (extensive video analysis on YouTube), which is almost forgotten in political science.

Рассматривается информационный потенциал газет применительно к изучению антибольшевистских вооруженных сил, действовавших на Урале, в Сибири и Дальнем Востоке России в 1918-1919 гг. Отмечается, что газеты, издававшиеся на территории, свободной от Советской власти, являются важным источником по изучению вопросов военного строительства, морально-психологического состояния войск и боевой деятельности белой армии. Они содержат широкий эмпирический материал, отражающий успехи белых армий, но предлагают мало конкретной информации, связанной с их неудачами и конечным крахом. Информационный потенциал газет зависит от их политико-идеологической направленности. Максимальной информативностью отличаются официальные, в том числе военные, и официозные беспартийные, кадетские и промонархические издания. ; The article discusses the informational potential of newspapers in relation to the study of anti-Bolshevik forces, operating in the Urals, Siberia and the Russian Far East in 19181919. The newspapers published on the territory free of Soviet power are an important source for the study of issues of military construction, morale of troops and combat activities of the White Army. Regardless of political orientation, statutes and decrees of the supreme bodies of state power, including the appeals and mobilizing troops in the various categories of the population, orders of commanders at all levels, staffs operational reports and reports on combat activities of the army were published in them. Newspapers contain a wealth of information on the manpower of the army. From May-June 1919 in connection with the beginning of the defeat at the front published in the press higher headquarters` operational reports became shorter and not always objective, and in official and public-oriented newspapers the volume of military-historical information was sharply reduced. In this regard, the newspapers contain a wide empirical data, reflecting the success of the White armies, but little specific information related to their failures and ultimate collapse. The informational potential of newspapers depended on their political and ideological orientation. Until September-October 1918 in all the papers, regardless of their political orientation, anti-Bolshevik general context presented. With the coming to power of Admiral Kolchak, who was perceived by the Socialist-Revolutionaries as a greater evil than Bolshevism, and oppositional pro-Eser and pro-Menshevik media drastically reduced the publication of materials related to combat activities of Kolchak's army in the anti-Bolshevik front. Therefore, the officials provided the maximum information content, including military and semi-official, non-party, the Cadet and pro-monarchic publication.

Based on the empirical data of the repeated surveys conducted by the Sociological Laboratory of the Peoples' Friendship University of Russia, the authors consider the student youth typical answers to quite simple questions on the political interest and awareness as well as on the level of social trust in the most general interpretation of the term. According to the surveys data, since 2007 we cannot identify the students' value orientations as political apathy (which is typical for the Russian media), political unawareness or electoral ignorance. Moreover, the Moscow student youth consider themselves patriots and identify as grounds for their national pride the historical past, natural resources, cultural heritage and sports achievements, though not the development of the economic and social spheres, respect for human rights and freedoms, activities of the public authorities, and general standards of living. The authors believe that such pessimistic evaluation of the situation in the country is connected (if not determined) by the low level of social trust (or high level of social distrust), especially to the public administration and the officials of all kinds in general. The authors conducted an exploratory online opinion poll to reconstruct the social image of the civil servant in the Russian public opinion to explain the low level of social trust in the society and the stable proportion of young respondents claiming that the Russian state represents and defends the interests of the rich and the civil servants. The questionnaire consisted of the questions on the obligatory ethical principles that should be guiding for all state/municipal employees, on the grounds for considering the behavior of civil servants as unethical, on the requirements to the applicants for the public administration positions, on the appropriate ways to deal with cases of unethical behavior in the public administration bodies, on the social image of the civil servant and its determinants, etc. Although the youngest group (18-24-year-olds) proved to be the most optimistic one, it also easily reconstructs the negative image of the civil servant, who does not meet the professional and ethical requirements to this social-professional group, which does not consist of the most intelligent, talented and competent people in the country, not to mention the most honest, conscientious and descent ones.

В статье представлен краткий обзор отношений Индии и США в период нахождения у власти правительства Н. Моди и администрации Б. Обамы соответственно. Рассмотрена динамика развития сотрудничества после победы Бхаратия джаната парти на парламентских выборах 2014 г. в Индии, определены основные направления двусторонней повестки дня. Дана оценка состоянию американо-индийского стратегического диалога и влиянию вопросов прав человека на сотрудничество стран. Выделена наиболее острая проблема в рамках правозащитной линии Вашингтона в отношении Нью-Дели. Отмечены особенности положения индийских иммигрантов в американском обществе, их участие в формировании политики США и лоббистская деятельность. Определены проблемные аспекты и ближайшие перспективы отношений двух стран. ; The article presents a brief overview of India-U.S. relations during the period of Narendra Modi's government and Barack Obama's administration. The author analyzes the dynamics of cooperation development after the victory of Bharatiya Janata Party in the 2014 Parliamentary elections in India and studies the key directions of bilateral agenda. The current condition of India-U.S. strategic dialogue and the influence of human rights issues on the countries' cooperation are characterized. Since 2014 the states' cooperation has been growing rapidly. The bilateral investment, trade and economic interdependence have significantly increased. Some experts and mass media note that Barack Obama and Narendra Modi are having friendly relations. From a different angle, a number of agreements between countries still remain unaccomplished. For instance, the U.S. support for India's permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council, its accession to APEC and the implementation of nuclear deal have yet to be turned into achievement. Together with strengthening the bilateral strategic dialogue, the U.S. has intensified the criticism of India's human rights record. The main part of it includes the cases of religious intolerance, which are observed in the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom reports and the remarks given by U.S. lawmakers and official representatives, including the Ambassador to India. Washington's careful attention to the human rights issues and religious violence in particular is one of the major irritants in the U.S.-India relations. The engagement of Indian Americans in the local U.S. politics and their lobbying efforts in the context of U.S.-India relations are revealed. The author outlines the near-terms perspectives of bilateral cooperation.

Статья посвящена коммуникативно-прагматическому осмыслению феномена информационной войны на материале разнообразных текстов, составляющих дискурс геополитического информационного противоборства между Россией и Украиной. Описывается коммуникативная структура информационной войны: ее участники (ведущие политические деятели, средства массовой информации, по-разному освещающие происходящие события в связи с необходимостью ориентироваться на ожидания аудитории, общественные деятели представители какой-либо неполитической сферы, обладающие узнаваемостью и авторитетом, рядовые граждане, чья политическая активность принимает несколько форм: политические заявления, распространяемые на видеороликах, выступления на митингах), пространство, специфика речевого взаимодействия между оппонентами и невербальный компонент (так, украинские политики большое значение уделяют рукопожатию с оппонентом, обнаруживают нежелание стоять рядом с оппонентом во время протокольной фотосессии, прибегают к демонстративному выходу из зала во время выступления оппонента на международном форуме). Делается вывод, что речевое взаимодействие в рамках геополитического информационного противостояния, которое во многом является дискурсом конструирования идентичности, представляет собой высокоинтенсивную коммуникацию, к участию в которой приобщаются самые разные слои населения, которая стремится к расширению своего пространства, преодолению монологизма, использованию невербального компонента для усиления вербального. ; The article is devoted to the communicative-pragmatic study of the phenomenon of information warfare on the basis of different texts that constitute the discourse of geo-political information warfare between Russian and Ukraine. The communicative structure of information warfare is described: its participants (political leaders, mass media that show the events from different angles to meet the expectations of the audience, political activists representatives of non-political sphere who are famous and popular, ordinary people, whose political activity has several manifestations: political appeals in videos, speeches in political gatherings, etc.), space, the specificity of verbal cooperation between the opponents and non-verbal component (for example, the Ukrainian politicians pay much attention to shaking hands with the opponent, they do not want to stand next to their political opponents in photo session, during the international forum they may leave the room when their opponent is speaking). The conclusion is that verbal cooperation in the frameworks of geo-political information warfare, which is to a great extent a discursive construction of identity, is an intensive communication, which involves representatives of different social layers and aims at widening its sphere, overcoming monologues and the use of the non-verbal component to reinforce the verbal one.

Негативная информация о новой украинской власти, исходящая из официальных СМИ, способствует формированию в общественном сознании образа врага. В статье рассматривается то, каким образом поддержание и распространение подобного образа происходит через его репрезентации через категории комического в политической карикатуре. Образ врага является инвариантным компонентом духовной сферы общества во время любого военного конфликта. Он помогает вызывать чувство ненависти к противнику, оправдывать собственные агрессивные действия. Образ врага в немилитаризованном обществе используется главным образом в предвыборных технологиях, но в некоторых случаях миф о враге может служить для повышения уровня поддержки действующего правительства и доверия ему. По тематике политические карикатуры, высмеивающие киевскую власть, разделяются на следующие группы: рисунки, указывающие на сходство действий новой украинской власти с действиями нацистских лидеров, на «антинародную» деятельность политической власти в Украине, подчеркивающие формальное/мнимое перемирие на Юго-Востоке Украины, высмеивающие строительство стены на границе Украины и России, отсутствие отопления в украинских домах и прочие бытовые неудобства, возникшие из-за разрыва отношений с Россией. Политические лидеры Украины в этом жанре представлены как достаточно ограниченные, жадные и агрессивные люди, что формирует негативный образ страны в целом. ; Negative information from the official media of the new Ukrainian government contributes to the formation of the image of an enemy in the public consciousness. The article discusses how popularization and distribution of such images is done with the help of political caricature. The image of an enemy is an invariable component of the spiritual sphere of the society during any military conflict. It helps bring a feeling of hatred for the opponent and to justify one's own aggressive actions. The image of an enemy in a democratic society is mainly used in pre-election campaigns, but sometimes the myth of the enemy may serve to increase the level of support and confidence in the current government. Political caricatures ridiculing the Kiev authorities are divided into the following groups: caricatures portraying similarity of the actions of the new Ukrainian government and that of the Nazi leaders, "anti-national" activities of political power in Ukraine, formal cease-fire in the south-east of Ukraine, construction of a wall on the border between Ukraine and Russia, the lack of heating in the Ukrainian homes because of the break in relations with Russia. The political leaders of Ukraine are presented as rather narrow-minded people, which creates a negative image of the country as a whole.