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International audience ; Spain faces a quick development of a very extensive high-speed rail network since 1992. It now reaches more than 2.500 km. This network was set together with numerous projects of new stations both in big and intermediate cities throughout the whole country. As it was decided to create a brandnew network according to the European norms and gauge, the enlargement and adaptation of stations was made necessary. High-speed was conceived as a symbol of modernity and as a way to improve the rank of the served cities both in Spain and Europe.The Mediterranean Corridor has a particular status in this network. It is a long term project that includes freight and passenger European gauge high-quality of service lines along the Mediterranean. One of the sections of this project is the implementation of a coastal high-speed line, which would be the very first great axis that would not go through Madrid. It would connect Barcelona and Valencia together, as well as a number of intermediate cities such as Alicante, Tarragona and Castellón. It would also make possible a direct connection of these cities to the rest of Europe. In this context, the end of line situation of the littoral cities would be transformed into a nodal situation interconnecting the radial main network to a powerful peripheral axis.The main cities (Barcelona and Valencia) take advantage of this status modification in order to promote particularly ambitious underground station projects which are associated to important urban renewal operations (urban green lines, housing, business districts…). They therefore try to improvetheir image and metropolitan status. The intermediate cities try to reach a place in the high-speed network by getting a new high-speed station, no matter if the line is radial or axial. Nevertheless, they take the Mediterranean Corridor project as an argument. Opposite, in the negotiation process between the cities and the government to define the stops on the high-speed lines, the stations may be used as a way of settling the cities in the radial-shape network and of delaying the achievement of the Mediterranean axis. The station projects show at the same time the cities' metropolitan aim, the strong competition between the great littoral cities themselves, and also the sharp political tension between the Mediterranean regions and Madrid as the national capital. Thus, the debate on the high-speed stations is one of the topics crystallising a geopolitical question. Consequently, the metropolitan aims associated to the new high-speed stations receive an additional dimension: the stations become political objects and they therefore exceed their function of communication exchangers. The case study of the Mediterranean corridor high-speed stations is particularly interesting because it mixes urban planning stakes to local politics and to national geopolitics. ; Le développement rapide d'un réseau à grande vitesse très étendu en Espagne s'est accompagné de nombreux projets de gares nouvelles dans les villes grandes ou moyennes de tout le pays. Le corridor méditerranéen a un statut particulier dans le réseau. L'un des volets du projet est la mise en place d'une ligne à grande vitesse littorale qui serait le premier grand axe ne passant pas par Madrid. De ce fait, les villes littorales verraient leur statut de terminus ferroviaire se transformer en situation nodale d'interconnexion. Elles prennent appui sur ce changement de statut pour promouvoir des projets de gares particulièrement ambitieux, associés à d'importantes opérations de rénovation urbaine, dans une logique d'amélioration de leur image et de métropolisation. Ces projets traduisent à la fois une ambition métropolitaine, une rivalité entre les grandes villes littorales elles-mêmes, ainsi qu'une tension d'ordre politique entre le littoral méditerranéen et Madrid comme capitale nationale. Dès lors, les ambitions métropolitaines associées aux gares à grande vitesse prennent une dimension supplémentaire en faisant de ces gares des objets politiques dont la fonction dépasse largement celle d'échangeurs de communication.

Історіографічний аналіз наукових розвідок вітчизняних та зарубіжних учених дозволяє зробити висновок, що проблематика дотримання вимог інформаційної безпеки після розпаду СРСР є предметом досліджень політологів, соціологів, правознавців та фахівців у галузі інформаційних технологій, проте в історичному акспекті розгяладється вперше.З'ясовано хронологію прийняття основних нормативно-правових документів щодо інформаційної безпеки на пострадянському просторі та систематизовано її по окремих напрямках. Виявлено зміст основних заходів щодо впровадження законодавчих актів, прийнятих керівними органами СНД щодо інформаційної безпеки у державах-учасницях СНД та розглянуто особливості забезпечення інформаційної безпеки у країнах-учасницях етнополітичних конфліктів на пострадянському просторі. Охарактеризовано основні нормативно-правові документи з питань інформаційної безпеки в країнах-членах СНД. Встановлено, що, незважаючи на існування інформаційних загроз Україні, керівництвом держави не було вжито заходів щодо запобігання інформаційній агресії з боку Російської Федерації. Визначено недосконалість нормативно-правової бази СНД щодо інформаційної безпеки. ; The history reveals powerful informational campaigns between the Republic of Armenia and the Azerbaijani Republic, the Republic of Moldova and the Transnistrian Moravskou Republic, the informational wars between Russia and Georgia during the Russian-Georgian war of 2008, and, finally, target-driven activities of the Russian Federation in the information space of independent Ukraine. In this regard, the urgent issue today is to ensure the security of information – security of state information resources, protection of vital interests of a citizen and society in the information sphere. Information security is also a component of the state national security.Analysis of scientific views on issues of information security in the post-Soviet space is the subject of scientific researches of local and foreign specialists. Available scientific works of Ukrainian, Russian, Armenian, Azerbaijani, and Moldovan scientists are divided into 5 semantic groups: a research synthesis of the social, philosophical, political and psychological aspects of information security; a study of the status of information security in the common information space of CIS member states; a study that deals with an impact of media and role of "public diplomacy" on the issue of information security; research relating to issues of information security of the Russian Federation in the modern geopolitical realities; research of Ukrainian researchers on information security and information warfare against Ukraine.The aim of the study is to analyze the main measures for ensuring information security in post-Soviet space, particularly, in the space of CIS member states. After the formation of CIS, a number of documents in the field of information security have been adopted, but the legal framework remains inadequate and requires revision. The documents did not include the issues of information and psychological impact on the population, as well as the preparation and conduction of information warfare. Thus, the most pressing issue in the field of information security has been outside the sphere of legal and regulatory framework for many years. In addition, the former Soviet Union created TLB, which also pays attention to the improvement of legislation in the sphere of information security.Each member country of CIS and CSTO has adopted a number of documents in this area. ; Историографический анализ научных исследований отечественных и зарубежных ученых позволяет сделать вывод, что проблематика информационной безопасности после распада СССР является предметом исследований политологов, социологов, правоведов и специалистов в области информационных технологий, однако в историческом акспекте рассматривается впервые.Автором уточнено хронологию принятия основных нормативно-правовых документов по информационной безо-пасности на постсоветском пространстве, систематизировано ее по отдельным направлениям. Выявлено содержание основных мероприятий по внедрению законодательных актов, принятых руководящими органами СНГ по информационной безопасности в государствах-участницах СНГ и рассмотрены особенности обеспечения информационной безопасности в странах-участницах этнополитических конфликтов на постсоветском пространстве. Охарактеризованы основные нормативно-правовые документы по вопросам информационной безопасности в странах-членах СНГ. Установлено, что, несмотря на существование информационных угроз Украине, руководством государства не были приняты меры для предотвращения информационной агрессии со стороны Российской Федерации. Определено несовершенство нормативно-правовой базы СНГ по информационной безопасности.

After 123 years under rules of partitioning powers, Poland regained its independence in a complex political and economic situation. The two main neighbors – Germany and the Soviet Russia –were hostile to the Polish state. Thus, the policies of both countries toward Poland were hostile. Germany sought to persuade international community that the Polish state was a temporary one, and the Soviet Russia, even though it officially declared the right of self-determination to the nations of the former Russian empire, was not going to accept the existence of "bourgeois" Poland. Polish relations with Czechoslovakia and Lithuania turned out to be bad as well. The boundaries of the Second Polish Republic, determined by decisions of Versailles and Riga treaties were finally recognized in March 1923. The territorial shape of the country was not favorable, and the excessively elongated – a total of 5534 km in length –irregular boundaries lacked, except from the southern border with Czechoslovakia, the natural features making them suitable for defence. What's worse, the most stretched borders were those of the potential adversaries of Poland, so the border with Germany –1912 km (including 607 km with the East Prussia) and of the border of the Soviet Russia (since 30 December 1922. the USSR) 1412 km. The disproportion between the length of the borders compared to the territory of the Polish state and the unfavorable political situation along its western, eastern and northern borders, forced Poland to prepare for defence in almost all directions since its very first days of independence.The basic conclusions of the analysis of the geopolitical position of the Second Polish Republic include: unfavorable borders, and its isolation in the international arena, in terms of both political and military, and economic relations.Since the independence was regained, there was an awareness in Poland about existence and growth of threats – external security was to assured by strong armed forces and an efficient defense system. However; he modernization of the armed forces between 1936 and 1939 did not alleviate the military disparity between Poland and Germany and the Soviet Union, especially in the modern weapon systems. The weak link in the Polish state security system was also war planning ; Polska po 123 lat niewoli, odradzała się w złożonej sytuacji politycznej i gospodarczej. Dwaj główni sąsiedzi – Niemcy i Rosja Radziecka – byli wrogo usposobieni do państwa polskiego. Toteż oba te państwa prowadziły wobec Polski politykę nieprzyjazną. Niemcy starały się lansować na arenie międzynarodowej tezę o tymczasowości polskiej państwowości, a Rosja Radziecka, mimo deklarowanego oficjalnie prawa do samostanowienia narodów byłego imperium rosyjskiego, nie zamierzała zaakceptować istnienia "burżuazyjnej" Polski. Źle ułożyły się także, stosunki z Czechosłowacją i Litwą. Granice II Rzeczypospolitej, ukształtowane na mocy decyzji wersalskich i ryskich, zostały ostatecznie uznane w marcu 1923 r. Terytorialny kształt państwa nie był korzystny, a nadmiernie wydłużone – łącznie 5534 km długości – nieregularne granice nie miały, poza południową granicą z Czechosłowacją, naturalnych właściwości obronnych. Co gorsza, najbardziej rozciągnięte były granice z potencjalnymi przeciwnikami Polski, a więc z Niemcami – 1912 km (w tym z Prusami Wschodnimi 607 km) i z sowiecką Rosją (od 30 grudnia 1922 r. ZSRR) 1412 km. Dysproporcja między długością granic a obszarem państwa polskiego oraz niekorzystna sytuacja polityczna na granicy zachodniej, wschodniej i północnej, postawiły Polskę już u zarania niepodległości wobec konieczności przygotowania się do obrony we wszystkich niemal kierunkach. Podstawowe wnioski płynące z analizy położenia geopolitycznego II Rzeczypospolitej to: niekorzystne linie granic oraz osamotnienie na arenie międzynarodowej, zarówno w sensie polityczno-militarnym, jak i gospodarczym. W Polsce od chwili odzyskania niepodległości dostrzegano istnienie i narastanie zagrożeń – bezpieczeństwo zewnętrzne miała zapewnić silna armia i sprawny system obronny. Modernizacja armii z lat 1936–1939 nie doprowadziła jednak do złagodzenia dysproporcji pomiędzy Polską a Niemcami i ZSRR, zwłaszcza w nowoczesnych środkach walki. Słabym ogniwem polskiego systemu bezpieczeństwa państwa było także planowanie wojenne

At the moment, the issue of civilizational identity is one of those that have the strongest impact on the direction of Russia's development, its ultimate goals, as well as the strategy and tactics of achieving them. We define civilization as a large entity comprising a number of states, an entity based on spiritual affinity, specific values, a common type of culture-building and on a certain level of material development.A new round of tension between Russia and the West, which was determined by a number of circumstances, primary by the worsening of the Russia-Ukraine relations due to the issue of Crimea, has forced us to rethink the problem of civilizational identity. The so-called sanctions war and the information war waged by the Western world against Russia have had quite different consequences. Tensions between Russia, which has proved itself capable of protecting its geopolitical interests even under pressure from USA and the EU, soared in the situation of internal crisis in the European civilization. While the USA remains committed to the policy of 'soft power' aimed at spreading its ideology worldwide, Europe strives to preserve its civilizational equilibrium which directly depends on its civilizational identity.It is impossible to ignore the objective process of globalization as the globalizing tendencies spread automatically. They come together with such negative trends as unification of cultural worlds, the destruction of basic national cultural values and the acceptance of North American mass culture as the global trendsetter.In this article, we have tried to formulate answers to two hugely important questions: what we are at the moment and what is Russian civilization today. We view Russia as a great power which has managed to preserve its civilizational code in the trials and tumults of the last decades. Understanding the particularities of Russia's civilizational identity helps understand the causes of many sociocultural developments and global processes. More importantly, determining our own civilizational identity and its foundations will allow us to reassess our past as that of a great civilization, thus shaping our view of a future worthy of its past. ; Проблема цивилизационной идентичности сегодня является одной из центральных для России, определяющих вектор ее развития, ее конечные цели, а также стратегию и тактику их достижения. Под понятием «цивилизация» автор имеет в виду крупные образования из государств, основанные на духовном сходстве и родстве, на специфических ценностях, особенностях культуротворческой деятельности, развитости материального базиса.Новый виток напряженности между западным миром и Россией, обусловленный рядом обстоятельств, прежде всего обострением российско-украинских отношений в связи с воссоединением Крыма с Россией, заставляет по-новому взглянуть и на проблему цивилизационной идентичности. Так называемая война санкций и информационная война, которые ведет западный мир против России, весьма не однозначны по своим результатам. Резкое обострение отношений России, показавшей способность в режиме жесткого давления со стороны США и стран Европы отстаивать свои геополитические интересы, и западного мира проходит в ситуации кризиса самой европейской цивилизации. И если США продолжают применять политику «мягкой силы», направленной на распространение собственной идеологии, то Европа стремится удержать свое цивилизационное равновесие, напрямую зависящее от состояния собственной цивилизационной идентичности.Глобализацию как процесс интеграции, обусловленный по преимуществу объективными причинами, невозможно игнорировать — распространение глобализационных тенденций происходит автоматически. Сопровождаются они негативными тенденциями: унификацией культурных миров, разрушением базовых ценностей национальных культур, распространением и утверждение североамериканской массовой культуры как культуры-лидера и пр.Автор пытается сформулировать свое понимание двух принципиально важных в рамках тематики работы вопросов: кто мы сегодня и что есть сегодня российская цивилизация. Россия сегодня — великая страна, сохранившая после многочисленных испытаний последних десятилетий свой цивилизационный код. Определение специфики цивилизационной идентичности России позволяет осознавать причины многих социокультурных явлений и процессов современного мирового развития. Однако — что гораздо значимее — определение собственной цивилизационной идентичности и тех оснований, на которых она зиждется, позволяет правильнее оценить наше прошлое как прошлое великой цивилизации и формировать наши представления о будущем, достойном своей истории.

US officials will have to get used to operating in a world in which they can take less for granted. The 2016 presidential campaign, and its ultimate outcome, raised sharper questions about the fundamental nature and purpose of the United States' grand strategy than at any time in a generation. In doing so, the campaign also served as a reminder of the critical role of assumptions in shaping US statecraft. In the grand-strategic context, assumptions are the ingrained, overarching ideas that US officials have about how the world works, and about America's role within the global arena. Simply put, such assumptions represent the intellectual foundation upon which American statecraft rests. If the foundation is solid, then American strategy has a decent chance of success. If the foundation is shaky, American strategy is likely in for a world of trouble. Yet because assumptions are, by their very nature, often implicit rather than explicit, and because the most fundamental assumptions underlying American grand strategy do not frequently surface in the course of day-today policy debates, these assumptions are rarely scrutinised or even made explicit to the degree they ought to be. This is dangerous. If assumptions are not identified and stress-tested, how will policymakers know, other than by pure intuition, when those assumptions are no longer valid and the conceptual foundation of strategy has begun to crack? Today, the need to critically examine the core assumptions of American grand strategy is becoming ever more pressing. Since the Cold War's end, the United States has pursued a grand strategy centred on maintaining America's global primacy, deepening and extending the liberal international order, and heading off major threats to the generally happy state of the post-Cold War world. That grand strategy has rested upon a set of bedrock assumptions that have also stayed largely constant over time - assumptions about the nature and sustainability of American dominance, the direction in which the world is moving geopolitically and ideologically, the ways in which Washington can best prevent or address emerging threats, and so on. Assumptions about specific policy issues have evolved over time, of course, but the core intellectual premises of American strategy have not been extensively revised for nearly a quarter-century. Collectively, those assumptions have added up to a broadly optimistic view of global affairs - a view that the United States enjoys essentially uncontested supremacy in most key aspects of international relations; that the dominant ideological, geopolitical and economic currents are running Washington's way; and that, with properly vigilant and enlightened American policy, this comparatively benign situation need not be fundamentally disrupted by resurgent great-power conflict or other throwbacks to an earlier and less hopeful age. Yet today, roughly 25 years into the post-Cold War period, some of the essential assumptions of American grand strategy are either coming under real strain, or are increasingly likely to do so in the next 10-20 years. This is not to say that all of these core assumptions have been fully or even largely invalidated, because their residual strength does vary, and because their erosion has not yet, for the most part, reached a critical stage. Moreover, we should remember that critics have prematurely proclaimed the inevitable demise of America's post-Cold War 'unipolar moment' before. Yet these disclaimers aside, there is little question that the validity of these core assumptions is more contested now than at any other time during the postCold War era, and that this validity will only become more contested over the next decade or two if current trends hold. As this happens, look out: American officials will have to get used to operating in a world in which they can take less for granted, in which the international environment is significantly more contested and challenging, and in which it will become steadily harder to sustain the grand strategy - and international order - that the country has pursued since the end of the Cold War. (Survival / SWP)

Without any doubt, the energy industry is one of the most critical assets for our today's society and even more compelling for our daily lives (Urciuoli et al, 2014; Mast, 2005). Any disruption can cause tremendous impacts on companies dealing with energy products, as well as on our economy. It is especially true when it comes to the oil and gas industry, which faces an array of risks and uncertainties. As a matter of fact, long and complex supply chains increase uncertainties that companies face (Manuj & Mentzer, 2008). In this context, the supply chain risk management (hereafter SCRM), the crisis management and resilience became relevant topics and have been discussed by previous researches. Christopher (2011) argues that the company with better logistics and supply chain management can improve and sustain their competitive advantage over the rival companies (Cited by Szusek and Hassen, 2012). Chima (2007) stated that oil and gas companies' main challenge is not the scarcity of the resource but rather the production and delivery of petroleum products to the final consumers at a competitive cost. Hence, a robust supply chain management is paramount, as it will enhance this objective. Thus, oil companies strive for a vertical integration as it enhances the control over the chain. Moreover, previous researches have highlighted the relevance of governmental implications to ensure the resilience of energy supply chain (Urciuoli et al, 2014). The purpose of this investigation is to determine how oil industry in Belgium deals with risks when sourcing crude oil from emerging markets, and in relation to those, what are the mitigation strategies to manage disruption to enhance a low-risk supply chain. We can assume, given the high dependency of Western countries and especially Belgium from the oil producing countries, that the governments and the oil corporations have established strong plans to not interrupt the flow of oil supply. In this master thesis, investigating through supply chain risk management practices when sourcing crude oil from emerging countries has led to an array of propositions generated from the empirical findings. First and foremost, it has been expressed that the hypothetically accepted notion of specific standards applied when sourcing crudes from the Middle East was rejected. Indeed, the interviewees highlighted the standardisations of procedures when sourcing from emerging countries do not differ from sourcing in more developed countries. In terms of risk management techniques, one of the principal strategies developed by oil companies is the vertical integration. Unanimously, the four interviewees pointed out the importance of vertical integration as a way to enhance the market's dynamics response but also to control costs. Besides, at every stages of the oil supply chain, formal techniques, strategic alliances and operational measures are performed by entities. It also seems that the supplier selection phase is of primacy to minimize risks related to suppliers from the emerging countries (or not). The case study has revealed that the level of due diligence is highly performed when it comes to supplier selection. Security is of major importance for the interviewees. In this study, the macro-environment factor also plays an important role in the supply chain risk management's decisions. As such, the four interviewees admitted their concerns about geopolitical risks carried by the Middle East countries. It has been demonstrated that countries where natural gas or crude oil commonly originated from, are politically unstable and foreign companies are at constant risk of terror attacks, and wars, e.g. in Qatar, Nigeria, Algeria and Egypt (Fernandes et al., 2010 and Vakhshouri, 2011). Researchers confirm that some risks cannot always be avoided and suggest to focus on the enhancement of resilience instead of trying to avoid them (Christopher and Peck, 2004; Rice et al., 2003; Sheffi, 2001, 2005). In this study, it has been evidenced that oil supply chain are resilient enough to not interrupt the continuous flow of oil supply to Belgium, and that can generally be extended to other Western countries. ; Master [120] en sciences de gestion, Université catholique de Louvain, 2016

В статье дается анализ исходного состояния лесных дел в России, обусловленного принятием «Лесного кодекса РФ» (2006 г.), который привел к нарушению баланса лесных отношений между основными его субъектами. Монополия арендаторов в юридическом лице крупного бизнеса привел к вытеснению малого и среднего бизнеса, государственных форм управления лесами на всех его уровнях, к ускоренному истощению рентабельных ресурсов и расширяющемуся банкротству лесных предприятий. Принятые «стратегии развития ЛПК в России» оказались несостоятельными, особенно в Сибири и Дальневосточном Федеральном округе, имеющих важное геополитическое значение. Истоки кризиса находятся за пределами лесного сектора экономики. К числу причин относится продолжающийся разрыв в доходах между олигархически-бюрократическим кланом и большинством населения, что отражается на платежеспособности последнего и, как следствие, сдерживает развитие внутреннего рынка и реального сектора экономики, усиливает социальную напряженность и приводит к стагнации развития производства. Назрела необходимость выработки нового экономического курса, смены изжившей себя модели псевдорыночной экономики, перехода на прогрессивную систему налогообложения как элементарную меру социальной справедливости, а также к коалиционному правительству, используя пример правительства Е.М. Примакова, «реанимировавшего убитую младореформаторами экономику» в 1998 г. Решение наиболее значимых проблем социально-экономического развития возможно лишь в рамках организации стратегического индикативного планирования, что особенно важно для лесного сектора экономики в связи с долгосрочной спецификой лесовыращивания. Для этого требуется возродить лесоустройство, без которого невозможно упорядочить использование и воспроизводство лесов и откорректировать «стратегии развития лесопромышленного комплекса в России». В рамках их арендные отношения следует ограничить районами, где нет конкуренции на лесные ресурсы, во всех остальных необходимо перейти на «куплю-продажу» древесины на корню по рыночным ценам, что приведет к увеличению лесного дохода как главного источника интенсификации лесного хозяйства.The article provides an analysis of the initial state of forest situation in Russia which is due to the adoption of the «Forest Code» (2006), that resulted in the disruption of the balance of forest relations between its main entities. The tenants' monopoly in the legal entity of big businesses resulted in ousting of small and medium-sized businesses and of public forms of forest management at all levels, in the accelerated depletion of profitable resources and in expanding the bankruptcy of forest enterprises. The accepted «FIC development strategy in Russia» has failed, especially in Siberia and in the Far East Federal District, with both of them having a great geopolitical importance. The origins of the crisis lie outside the forest sector. Among the reasons for it there is an increasing income gap between the oligarchic-bureaucratic clans and the majority of the population which affects the purchasing power of the latter and, consequently, hinders the development of the domestic market and the real economy, increases social tensions and results in further production stagnation. There is a need to develop a new economic course, to change an outdated model of pseudo-market economy, to proceed to a progressive tax system as an elementary measure of social justice, as well as to a coalition government, using the example of the government headed by E.M. Primakov who was able to revive a dead economy killed by «young reformers» in 1998. The solution of the most important problems this country is facing in social and economic situation becomes possible only by developing the strategic indicative planning, which is particularly important for the forest industry sector because of some specific features of reforstation taking a long time. This requires that the forest management will be restored, which is essential to set both the forest use and reforestation in order and to correct the «strategy of timber industry complex development in Russia». Within the above strategy all leasing relationship should be limited to regions where there is no competition for forest resources while in the other regions it is necessary to proceed to standing timber «purchase and sale» relations at market prices, which will help to increase forest revenues as the main source of forestry intensification.

В статье обсуждается опыт расквартирования и обустройства пограничной стражи Российского государства, начиная с самых ранних этапов его существования. Представлен анализ эволюции подходов к созданию необходимых условий для обеспечения служебной деятельности, жизни и быта порубежной стражи при организации охраны и защиты границы, позитивные и негативные решения объективного и субъективного характера в сфере социального обустройства и расходов государственной казны. ; The new geopolitical and economic realities demanded a fundamentally new approach to the strengthening of the Russian State border. In this regard, interest is how throughout history Russian authorities solved problems of arrangement of border guard units, as well as spending from the state treasury to create conditions for Border Guard Service and everyday life of border guards themselves. This interest has also caused certain eurhythmics (repetitiveness, perhaps even cyclicality) of political processes, and, therewith, the formation and dynamics of the state border and its protection force, and therefore the repetitiveness of trends and approaches to ensuring appropriate conditions of service and life of border guards. In my article, based on a critical analysis of the historiographical sources within the framework of historical and genetic approach, I represent a brief overview of the main stages of becoming and development of the Russian Border Guard Service organization as regards its socio-economic provision. I traced evolution of Border Guard Service arrangement from its maintenance exclusively through the efforts of the local population of the border regions (9th-15th cc.) to the state machinery's incurring of all financial and administrative burden on border infrastructure arrangement (early 16th late 19th cc.). With increasing length of the border, the main problem has been the increase the cost of placement of border and customs posts and quartering of border guards and customs. In many regions, exacerbating the problem was that difficult climatic and geographical conditions were unfit both for official duty performances and even for living. In the 19th century, there were two approaches that took shape regarding the matter of border guards' billeting. The basis of the first approach was an idealized vision of maximum possible comfort of border guards' dwelling, regardless of local conditions. According to the second one, such habitation must be capable of meeting requirements of minimal comfort just enough to provides the course of duty. In late 19th c., both approaches have been tried in the conditions of the Black Sea coast. This testing has proven effectiveness (not only economical) of the second approach, because it was focused on the use of those types of local dwellings, which for centuries allowed adapting to local natural conditions. Also for mass building of the border guards' barracks, materials allowing quickly producing construction work (first of all, concrete) were used. In the last decade of the 19th century, it has become apparent that it is necessary, on the one hand, to create maximally favorable living conditions for border guards, on the other hand, to equip posts (cordons) such a manner that they could have been minimally burdensome for the state treasury. For this reason, in the last decades of the 19th century, the practice of partial arrangement of the border (construction of border and customs posts) by efforts of personnel of the border operation units (the so-called construction without contractors) was revived, with yielding up to 30-35% savings over contracting prices. This practice was profitable for state treasury, and it lasted until the early 21 century. I conclude that nowadays, it is advisable to turn to the experience of the late 19th century: do not build on the border 'palaces' which cost 120-160 million rubles, but look for more modern ways of construction of military camps, for example, mobile modular unit construction of divisions (frontier outposts) and departments (border commandant''s headquarters). Thus it would be possible to reduce significantly the cost and timing of their construction without degrading accommodation comfort of border guards and their families.

Cette conférence, donnée à l'invitation de la Chaire d'analyse de la politique agricole et de la mise en marché collective de l'Université Laval, porte sur la compétitivité de la filière volailles de chair en France. La filière avicole française, qui bénéficie encore d'une croissance de la demande intérieure, a enregistré une baisse de sa production au cours de la dernière décennie, surtout en dindes. Cette évolution traduit une perte de compétitivité par rapport à d'autres pays, notamment européens, particulièrement structurés en termes productif et industriel et dynamiques en termes d'innovations et de réseaux commerciaux. Les importations françaises de viande de volailles, qui proviennent en priorité de pays voisins (Allemagne, Belgique et Pays-Bas) et beaucoup plus marginalement des grands acteurs du commerce mondial (Brésil, USA, Thaïlande…), sont devenues préoccupantes. Elles représentent, en 2014, plus de 30% de la consommation intérieure contre un peu moins de 15% en 2000. Si la balance commerciale de la France en viande de volailles avec les pays tiers (hors Union Européenne) demeure positive, rien n'est acquis pour le futur. A court terme, la mise à zéro des restitutions n'a pas encore produit tous ses effets et les exportateurs français ont bénéficié depuis mi-2014 d'une parité entre l'euro et le dollar favorable. A moyen terme, la concurrence entre les grandes zones exportatrices pourrait s'accentuer en raison des différentiels de compétitivité, de l'ouverture croissante des marchés et de la sensibilité des flux commerciaux à l'évolution des parités monétaires. Le nombre de pays clients de la France est limité, ce qui accentue le niveau de dépendance à des considérations ciblées d'ordre géopolitique ou économique. Enfin, l'évolution récente des règles européennes relatives aux aides à l'export peut fragiliser les produits historiquement bénéficiaires. En conclusion, une attention est portée aux principales raisons d'espérer pour la filière avicole française : une forte dynamique de la demande mondiale ; un marché français à forte valeur ajoutée sur certains créneaux (volaille de qualité) ; l'amorce d'une restructuration de la filière française qui devrait favoriser une reconquête au moins partielle du marché domestique. ; This conference, given at the invitation of the Chair of Analysis of Agricultural Policy and Collective Marketing at Université Laval, focuses on the competitiveness of the poultry meat industry in France. The French poultry sector, which still has a growing domestic demand, decreased its production during the last decade (especially for turkey). This reflects a loss of competitiveness compared to other countries, particularly European ones, which are especially well structured in productive and industrial terms and dynamic in innovation and trade. French imports of poultry meat, which come primarily from neighboring countries (Germany, Belgium and Netherlands), and much more rarely of major players in world trade (Brazil, USA, Thailand, etc.), are becoming a problem. They represent, in 2014, more than 30% of domestic consumption against 15% in 2000. Even though the French trade balance in poultry with third countries (outside European Union) (remains positive, nothing is guaranteed for the future: at the short-term the end of export refunds has not yet produced its effects and French exporters have benefited in 2014 from a favorable exchange Euro/US dollar rate; at the medium term, the competition between the major exporting areas could increase due to competitiveness gaps, the increasing openness of markets and the sensitivity of trade flows to changes in exchange rates; the number of client countries for France is limited, which increases the level of dependence on geopolitical changes; recent developments in EU rules regarding export subsidies can also affect some sectors/regions. In conclusion, attention is paid to the reason for hope for the French poultry sector: a strong momentum in global demand; a French market with high added value for some niche markets (quality poultry); the start of a restructuring of the French sector should encourage at least partial reconquest of the domestic market.

Food security is a global societal challenge, and one geographic region where food insecurity is increasing is the North American Arctic and Subarctic. In this paper we synthesize research on food security in this region; important precursors and early work include reports on the impacts of land claims, the cumulative effects of industrial development and environmental change, and the health impacts of the nutrition transition among Indigenous peoples. Building on these foundations, food security research in the North has followed a path similar to that taken in the global food security literature, beginning with nutritional adequacy and security of food supplies and then downscaling to a focus on issues at the livelihood and household level. Our meta-analysis of the peer-reviewed literature reveals many reasons why people are food-insecure: challenges such as remoteness, climate change, and the high costs of food and fuel all play important roles. However, the primary drivers of food insecurity that we identify in this review relate to governance and policy challenges that have been recognized and critiqued for decades. Recommendations for future research include an improved focus on participatory research and food security interventions that acknowledge and focus on supporting the rights of local peoples to pursue food security on their own terms. This paper is relevant in the context of climatic and environmental change because it captures the role of shifting political ecologies as increased geopolitical interests in the North appear to be obscuring the rights and needs of local peoples to access and control their own land and resources. ; De par le monde, l'insécurité alimentaire constitue un enjeu du point de vue de la société. L'Arctique et la région subarctique de l'Amérique du Nord sont des régions géographiques où l'insécurité alimentaire prend de l'ampleur. Dans cette communication, nous faisons la synthèse des travaux de recherche effectués au sujet de la sécurité alimentaire dans cette région. Parmi les précurseurs et les premiers travaux importants réalisés à ce sujet, notons des rapports sur les incidences des revendications territoriales, les effets cumulatifs du développement industriel et des changements sur l'environnement, de même que les effets sur la santé découlant de la transition alimentaire chez les peuples indigènes. S'appuyant sur ces assises, les recherches sur la sécurité alimentaire dans le Nord ont été conçues ni plus ni moins comme les autres études en matière de sécurité alimentaire dans le monde. Les recherches ont d'abord porté sur le caractère adéquat de l'alimentation et sur la sécurité des approvisionnements alimentaires, après quoi elles se sont concentrées sur des enjeux plus spécifiques comme ceux propres aux moyens de subsistance et aux ménages. Notre méta-analyse de la documentation révisée par des pairs a permis de révéler de nombreuses raisons pour lesquelles les gens sont aux prises avec l'insécurité alimentaire : des difficultés liées à l'éloignement, au changement climatique de même qu'au coût élevé de la nourriture et au carburant jouent toutes un rôle dans l'insécurité alimentaire. Cependant, les principaux facteurs de l'insécurité alimentaire cernés dans le cadre de notre analyse ont trait à la gouvernance et aux politiques, celles-ci faisant l'objet de critiques depuis des dizaines d'années. Les recomman­dations veulent que d'autres travaux de recherche soient davantage centrés sur la recherche participative et sur les interventions en matière de sécurité alimentaire, interventions qui permettent de reconnaître et de favoriser les droits des personnes locales pour qu'elles puissent atteindre la sécurité alimentaire selon leurs propres conditions. Cette communication est pertinente dans le contexte des changements climatiques et environnementaux parce qu'elle saisit le rôle des écologies politiques en pleine évolution au moment où les intérêts géopolitiques dans le Nord semblent obscurcir les droits et les besoins des gens de ces régions en ce qui a trait à l'accès et au contrôle de leurs propres terres et ressources.

On 4 June 2008 Prime Minister Kevin Rudd proposed the establistunent of an Asia Pacific Community in an address to the Asia Society Australasia Centre in Sydney. He deemed the 21st century the Asia Pacific Century and proposed the establistunent of an Asia Pacific Community as an ideal way for Australia to approach the changing times. The community Rudd described was to be inclusive of all states in the Asia Pacific region and to tackle all economic, political, and security matters the region faced. He described the community as a means by which Australia could maximise its opportunities and minimise its threats, given its unique geographical position. The announcement of such a significant organisation required examination. Before being able to judge whether or not the idea was feasible, reasons for the proposal had to be examined. As the proposal was such a recent revelation and the details of the community unknown even to Rudd himself, research had to be carried out in a number of ways, including interviewing people with varied expertise. Each interviewed person stressed the uncertain nature of the 21st centt1ry; the Asia Pacific Century, according to Rudd, or the Asian Century, according to most others. Since the end of the Cold War global interaction has been dominated by the Western liberal order as the United States has enjoyed supreme economic, political, and strategic power, however, lately the effects of globalisation have resulted in the economic growth of China and other states in the Asia Pacific region. Given this, the economic gap between the United States and other states is narrowing. The United States will soon no longer be the sole major power, but rather one power among many. For Australia there exists the necessity to act. Rudd's proposal of the Asia Pacific Community is believed to be a part of Australia's action. Action is clearly necessary. Whether an Asia Pacific Community is an appropriate form of action or not had to be explored. Newspapers, media releases and speeches were studied to discover the way in which various other states in the Asia Pacific region reacted to Rudd's announcement of an Asia Pacific Community. Leaders of state, politicians, journalists, ambassadors, and foreign policy experts all questioned the possibility of such a community. Most saw the idea as fanciful. Using the reactions of these various people, further research was conducted into the reasons for such reactions. Available journals and books provided insight into certain opinions, highlighting the difficulties associated with the establishment of an Asia Pacific Community. It became evident that given a number organisations already exist in the region there is little necessity for another one. The existing organisations also highlighted the difficulties associated with regionalism in the Asia Pacific. Most states in the region are unwilling to cede sovereignty to an organisation, particularly one of Western inspiration. Furthermore, geographically defining the Asia Pacific region is problematic. It is unclear as to which states are included in the region and which states are not. In terms of regional organisations this complicates membership. As an Asia Pacific Community was clearly unsuitable for the Asia Pacific region, an alternative strategy had to be offered. Through information gained from a range of books, journals, newspaper articles, media releases, speeches, radio program transcripts, interviews, and reports it was evident particular strategies could ensure Australia's prosperity in the changing Asia Pacific region. Strategic diplomacy is paramount. The Asia Pacific region is multifaceted with many different cultures, systems of government and levels of development, thus Australia needs to proceed with caution. Influence as a middle power is of great importance in such a diverse region. However, confidence of other states must first be gained. Tactical bilateral relations will guarantee security and increased economic development, however commitment to the existing regional organisations is also vital. An Asia Pacific Community is fanciful. It is not a suitable approach for Australia to take in the changing geopolitical environment in the Asia Pacific region. Australia needs to understand not only the mechanisms of the other states in the region but also its own position in the region. Significant advantages are available to Australia given its geographical position. But these can only be obtained if foreign policy is executed with tact.

The paper examines theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of state borders. Complexity of the concept of state border is analyzed as variable and depending on the historical, political and socio­cultural context. The author considers the possibility of studying the border as a social institution and as a cultural construct. The author notes that institutionally border forms quite clearly, and most sociological theories refer to this concept is the light of the functional approach. However, we should also pay attention to such important factors as the everyday practices of individuals, cultural and symbolic factors, without them understanding of the place and the role of the state border is almost impossible. The study of the state border only as a social institution is insufficient and it leads to the need for updating the socio­cultural approach. In particular, the applicability of functional and sociocultural approaches were analyzed as well as prospects of interdisciplinary study of the state border of Ukraine and borders in general. So, based on the principles of sociology, cultural studies, political science, history and considering the boundary in the light of various scientific disciplines can get the most complete and perfect answers to the key research questions. The geopolitical position of Europe has undergone significant changes over the last century. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the formation of new sovereign states on its territory gave impetus to a rethinking of the nature and structure of space. This creates the need for a detailed study of the global processes taking place around, in particular, the research on the construction of new identities in the post-Soviet space, the consequences and perceptions of the growing level of European integration, the need to adopt a unified model of nation building and the development of a strategy for the development of countries that have gained independence in the 1990s remain relevant. years The role of state borders varies both in European and in the post-Soviet space. External neighbors create the need for a new border policy. Another is the correlation of functions, the borders between the post-Soviet countries, which were previously conditional, were strengthened. All of this forces scientists to pay special attention to studying the boundaries. ; В статті аналізуються теоретико­методологічні підходи до вивчення державних кордонів. Аргументується складність та многогранність цього поняття як змінного в залежності від історичного, політичного та соціокультурного контексту. Автором розглянуто можливості вивчення кордону як соціального інституту та як соціокультурного конструкту. Автор зазначає, що інституціонально кордон формується досить чітко і більшість соціологічних теорій звертаються до цього поняття саме крізь призму функціонального підходу. Однак не беручи до уваги такі фактори, як повсякденні практики індивідів, культурні та символічні чинники, зрозуміти місце та роль державного кордону майже неможливо. Розуміння того, що вивчення державного кордону лише як соціального інституту є недостатнім, призводить до актуалізації необхідності використання соціокультурного підходу. Окрему увагу у статті приділено можливостям міждисциплінарного вивчення державного кордону України та кордонів загалом. Так на думку автора спираючись на засади соціології, культурології, політології, історії та розглядаючи кордон крізь призму різних наукових дисциплін можна отримати найбільш повні та досконалі відповіді на актуальні дослідницькі питання. ; В статті аналізуються теоретико­методологічні підходи до вивчення державних кордонів. Аргументується складність та многогранність цього поняття як змінного в залежності від історичного, політичного та соціокультурного контексту. Автором розглянуто можливості вивчення кордону як соціального інституту та як соціокультурного конструкту. Автор зазначає, що інституціонально кордон формується досить чітко і більшість соціологічних теорій звертаються до цього поняття саме крізь призму функціонального підходу. Однак не беручи до уваги такі фактори, як повсякденні практики індивідів, культурні та символічні чинники, зрозуміти місце та роль державного кордону майже неможливо. Розуміння того, що вивчення державного кордону лише як соціального інституту є недостатнім, призводить до актуалізації необхідності використання соціокультурного підходу. Окрему увагу у статті приділено можливостям міждисциплінарного вивчення державного кордону України та кордонів загалом. Так на думку автора спираючись на засади соціології, культурології, політології, історії та розглядаючи кордон крізь призму різних наукових дисциплін можна отримати найбільш повні та досконалі відповіді на актуальні дослідницькі питання.

В рамках данной статьи изложены и раскрыты отдельные тезисы, связанные с проблематикой освоения Арктических и приарктических территорий, которые по различным экспертным оценкам содержат от 15 до 25% всех мировых запасов первичных энергетических ресурсов, а также в исследовании рассматривается текущее положение и перспективы Российской Федерации в процессе освоения арктических территорий. Целью данной статьи является обоснование приоритетов России на национальном и региональном уровне, связанных с добычей полезных ископаемых, которые могут быть использованы как для повышения конкурентоспособности России на мировом уровне, так и для обеспечения национальной энергетической безопасности. Также исследование данной статьи направлено на решение вопросов связанных с разработкой рекомендаций по развитию системы обеспечения мировой экономической и энергетической безопасности в контексте эксплуатации перспективных месторождений Арктического региона. Выводы. Были получены следующие основополагающие выводы: во-первых, приарктические и Арктические территории представляют собой мировое наследие, поэтому освоение месторождений на них должно осуществляться в интересах всего мирового сообщества на недискриминационной основе; во-вторых, будущая энергетическая цивилизация будет основана на гармоничном сочетании традиционных и возобновляемых источников энергии, что предопределяет необходимость рационализации потребления энергетических ресурсов уже в настоящее время; в-третьих, экологическая проблематика перспектив освоения арктических и приарктических территорий в достаточной степени острая и дискуссионная, поэтому должны быть использованы неагрессивные технологии извлечения первичных энергетических ресурсов из месторождений Арктики. Выявлено, что совершенствование условий для распространения и реализации технологических инноваций при снижении или оптимизации геополитических, военных, экономических, экологических, культурных рисков в арктическом регионе предполагают: поддержку научных центров, продуцирующих технологические инновации в сфере освоения и разработки арктических шельфов и транслирующих их соответствующим корпорациям; развитие инфраструктуры, позволяющей сократить институциональное, экономическое и технологическое отставание от государств-лидеров и обеспечить достижение высочайших стандартов безопасности и эксплуатационных стандартов. ; In this article we presented and disclosed some abstracts related to the problems of development of the Arctic and subarctic areas, which according to various expert estimates contain from 15 to 25% of the world reserves of primary energy resources, as well as the study examines the current situation and prospects of the Russian Federation the process of development of the Arctic territories. The purpose of this article is to study Russia's priorities at the national and regional levels related to the extraction of minerals that can be used to enhance the competitiveness of Russia on the world level and to ensure national energy security. Also, a study of this article is aimed at addressing issues related to the development of recommendations for the development of the global system of economic and energy security in the context of exploitation of prospective deposits in the Arctic region. Methodology. The methodological basis of this article are comparative and economic-statistical methods of analysis. Results: In this article were subsequently solved the problem, to achieve this goal, in particular: examined the general trends of energy development of civilization, considered the legal issues concerning the status of the Arctic and the Arctic regions, the basic global trends of world energy development and justified system for ensuring global energy security. Conclusions. There were obtained the following basic conclusions: First, the Arctic and the Arctic area are world heritage, so the development of deposits on them should be in the interest of the world community on a non-discriminatory basis; secondly, energy future civilization will be based on the harmonious combination of traditional and renewable energy sources, which determines the need to rationalize the consumption of energy resources in the present; Third, environmental issues prospects of development of the Arctic and subarctic areas suffi ciently sharp and discussion, therefore, should be used in aggressive technology of extraction of primary energy resources of the Arctic fields. It was found that the improvement of conditions for the dissemination and implementation of technological innovation in reducing or optimizing the geopolitical, military, economic, environmental, cultural risks in the Arctic region involve: support for research centers, producing technological innovations in the field of exploration and development of the Arctic shelf, and broadcasting their respective corporations; the development of infrastructure to reduce the institutional, economic and technological backwardness of the State leaders and to achieve the highest standards of safety and performance standards.

Развитие международной интеграции российской экономики связано с необходимостью реализа- ции конкурентных преимуществ геополитического положения России, промышленного потенциала регионов, логистической инфраструктуры транспортных коридоров. В статье рассматриваются модель проектирования цепи поставки (сети дистрибуции) на основе многофакторного анализа и методика обоснования ее конфигурации по факторам затрат и уровню развития логистической инфраструктуры. Для решения задачи размещения одного или нескольких логистических центров на обслуживаемой территории используется двухэтапный алгоритм. На первом этапе принима- ются решения о целесообразности выбора того или иного варианта развития с использованием типовой модели «Make or buy». Критерием принятия решения является гарантированное преодо- ление порога безразличия с учетом статистических характеристик уровней затрат для вариан- тов «купить» и «сделать», зависящих от объема потребления услуг или товаров. На втором этапе при оценке выбора размещения одного или нескольких логистических центров на обслуживаемой территории используется эвристический метод Ардалана. Параметры модели задаются с учетом оценки перспектив развития региона и его инвестиционного потенциала (наличия и состава трудо- вых, производственных, природных ресурсов, финансовых и потребительских возможностей, инсти- туционального, инновационного, инфраструктурного потенциала). Кроме того, проанализированы такие критерии, как финансовая привлекательность региона, наличие профессионально подготов- ленных кадров, конкурентные преимущества продвигаемой компании и другие. Дополнительным критерием является формирование матрицы приоритетов, которая учитывает такие факторы, как сложности таможенного оформления и сертификации, уровня развития транспортной инфра- структуры регионов, политических рисков и другие. Закрепление региональных потребителей за тем или иным центром дистрибуции может быть обосновано результатами решения транспорт- ной задачи открытого типа. Результатом работы является разработка оптимальных вариантов размещения центров дис- трибуции на основе многофакторного анализа. Данную модель можно использовать при проекти- ровании сетей продвижения продукции на территориях и в регионах, предполагающих ускоренное социально-экономическое развитие. ; The international integration of the Russian economy is connected to the need of the realization of the competitive advantages of the geopolitical position of Russia, the industrial potential of regions, the logistic infrastructure of transport corridors. This article discusses the design model of the supply chain (distribution network) based on the multivariate analysis and the methodology of the substantiation of its configuration based on the cost factors and the level of the logistics infrastructure development. For solving the problem of placing one or more logistics centers in the service area, a two-stage algorithm is used. At the first stage, the decisions on the reasonability of the choice of one or another version of the development are made with the use of the "Make or Buy" standard model. The criterion of decision making is the guaranteed overcoming of the threshold of "indifference" taking into account the statistical characteristics of costs for options of "buy" and "make" depending on the volume of consumption of goods or services. At the second stage, the Ardalan's heuristic method is used for the evaluation of the choice of placing one or more logistics centers in the service area. The model parameters are based on the assessment of the development prospects of the region and its investment potential (existence and composition of employment, production, natural resources, financial and consumer opportunities, institutional, innovation, infrastructure capacity). Furthermore, such criteria as a regional financial appeal, professionally trained specialists, the competitive advantages of the promoted company and others are analyzed. An additional criterion is the development of the priority matrix, which considers such factors as difficulties of customs registration and certification, a level of regional transport infrastructure development, political risks and others. Fixing of regional consumers to this or that distribution center can be proved by the solution of open type transport problem. The result of the research is the development of optimal variants for placement of distribution centers based on the multivariate analysis. This model can be used in designing networks to promote products in the territories and regions whose accelerated socio-economic development is supposed.

Предметом исследования данной работы являются символы Республики Казахстан, история данных символов. В виду того, что геральдика была чужда кочевым народам, первые символы на земли современного Казахстана принесла Российская империя. Дальнейшее развитие земельной геральдики Казахстана, входившего в состав Российской Империи и СССР, проходило синхронно с развитием геральдики в этих странах. Свои первые самостоятельные символы Республика Казахстан приобрела после событий 1991 года. Однако, в отличие от других стран постсоветского пространства, данные символы были структурированы, выделены в отдельный конституционный закон и описаны стандартом. Таким образом, был решен вопрос с неоднозначностью трактовки символов, а также флаг и герб стали сочетаться в цветах, что позволило рассматривать их как единую художественную композицию. В работе показаны не только сильные стороны герба и флага, но и разобраны основные ошибки, которые носят догматический характер. В исследовании использовался исторический подход, показывающий геополитические явления и предпосылки при создании герба Республики Казахстан. Историко-сравнительный метод, наряду с историко-генетическим методом, показал возможную преемственность от старых земельных гербов к современному гербу государства. Все вышеуказанные методы позволили определить основные реперные точки исследования. Основным выводом статьи является то, что герб Казахстана хоть и содержит ряд догматических ошибок, однако сделан со скрупулёзностью и художественным вкусом. Несет в себе символы мира, благосостояния, и процветания народа. Символика герба показывает интеграционный вектор развития государства. Не только герб, но и флаг Казахстана по своей структуре и символизму близки к символам Белорусского государства и прослеживается их единая преемственность из символов Советской эпохи. В геральдике республики Казахстан ещё рано ставить точку, она будет развиваться в рамках ЕАС и именно Казахский опыт стандартизации геральдики может быть использован как эталон для государств, существующих в рамках Евразийского союза. ; The subjects of study in this work are the symbols of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the history of these characters. In view of the fact that heraldry was alien to the nomadic peoples, the first characters on the lands of modern Kazakhstan brought the Russian Empire. Further development of land heraldry of Kazakhstan, which was part of the Russian Empire and the USSR, took place simultaneously with the development of heraldry in these countries. Her first independent symbols of the Republic of Kazakhstan are acquired after the events of 1991. However, unlike other post-Soviet countries, these symbols were structured, in a separate constitutional law and described in this standard. Thus, the issue was resolved with the ambiguity of the interpretation of symbols and flag and arms of steel to be combined in colors, allowing considering them as a single artistic composition. The work shows not only the strengths of the emblem and flag, but also dismantled the main mistakes that are dogmatic in nature. The study used a historical approach, showing geopolitical phenomena and prerequisites when creating the emblem of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Historical-comparative method, along with the historical-genetic method, showed the possible continuity from the old land to modern coats of arms coat of arms of the state. All the above methods allowed determining the main reference points of the study. The main conclusion of the article is that the coat of arms of Kazakhstan though, and contains a number of dogmatic errors, but done with thoroughness and artistic taste. Carries the symbol of peace, welfare, and prosperity of the people. The symbolism of the coat of arms shows the integration vector of Ukraine's development. Not only the arms but also the flag of Kazakhstan in its structure and symbolism close to the symbols of the Belarusian state and traced their uniform continuity of the symbols of the Soviet era. In heraldry of the Republic of Kazakhstan is still too early to put a dot, it will develop in the framework of the EAC and that the Kazakh experience of standardization of heraldry can be used as a benchmark for States existing within the Eurasian Union.