Suchergebnisse

In the research, there are analyzed the main political and economic benefits for Georgia from the realization of Southern Corridor - TANAP and TAP projects in the short-term and long-term perspectives, possibilities of the strengthening cooperation between Georgia and Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey, also relations between official Tbilisi and countries from the South-East and Southern Europe. Furthermore, there are reviewed the issues related to the situations on the domestic energy market of Georgia and perspectives of the expansion of the energy corridor and South Caucasus pipeline and its impact on the socioeconomic and political development of Georgia and Black Sea/Caspian Region.

La Estrategia de Seguridad Nacional de cada país se basa en el análisis de los valores, intereses y amenazas contra la seguridad interna y externa. Los intereses de Georgia y Europa con respecto al tema de seguridad coinciden plenamente uno con el otro, según se sostiene en este trabajo. La evolución de los últimos años confirma que es necesario tener grandes dosis de diálogo para construir el sistema de la seguridad europea. Para que Europa tenga una lógica común hay que trabajar para construir una seguridad unificada. Europeizar el llamado "Concepto de la Seguridad Nacional de Georgia" requiere la consolidación democrática. El respeto a los Derechos Humanos, la garantía de las libertades civiles y políticas, así como la libertad de expresión son algunas de las dimensiones de la democracia, que, a pesar de los problemas y tensiones, se han fortalecido desde que Georgia declaró su lealtad a la integración Euro-atlántica. Ahora corresponde llevar a cabo el salto cualitativo hacia la consolidación de la democracia. Desde este punto de vista, entendemos que la "europeización" es algo paralelo y tan importante como la democracia

Abstract. The Enguri dam and water reservoir, nested in the southwestern Caucasus (Republic of Georgia), are surrounded by steep mountain slopes. At a distance of 2.5 km from the dam, a mountain ridge along the reservoir is affected by active deformations with a double vergence. The western slope, directly facing the reservoir, has deformations that affect a subaerial area of 1.2 km2. The head scarp affects the Jvari–Khaishi–Mestia main road with offsets of man-made features that indicate slip rates of 2–9 cm yr−1. Static, pseudostatic and Newmark analyses, based on field and seismological data, suggest different unstable rock volumes based on the environmental conditions. An important effect of variation of the water table is shown, as well as the possible destabilization of the slope following seismic shaking, compatible with the expected local peak ground acceleration. This worst-case scenario corresponds to an unstable volume on the order of up to 48±12×106 m3. The opposite, eastern slope of the same mountain ridge is also affected by wide deformation affecting an area of 0.37 km2. Here, field data indicate 2–5 cm yr−1 of slip rates. All this evidence is interpreted as resulting from two similar landslides, whose possible causes are discussed, comprising seismic triggering, mountain rapid uplift, river erosion and lake variations.

Located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, Georgia is an important node for regional trade flows and has a unique geographic advantage for market integration with the rest of the world, including the European Union. The Government of Georgia has taken steps to deregulate the economy, streamline bureaucracy, and combat corruption. Committed to an inclusive growth process, the government has considerably increased social sector funding and made public expenditure transparent. Solid economic growth driven by the private sector is expected to support Georgia's development and reduce the country's poverty and unemployment. The Asian Development Bank (ADB) began its partnership with Georgia in 2007 and is one of the country's largest multilateral development partners.

Bilateral relations between Georgia and Peoples Republic of China were established in 1992.China was one of the first countries who recognized independence of Georgia after the disintegration of USSR. Very soon China opened the embassy in Tbilisi, which gave a strong boost to the historical, political and economic relations between two countries.Georgia-China ties in the trade/economic relations have expanded from the period when Georgia managed to overcome the crisis,related to the Georgia-Russia war.During the last period, China has shown growing interest in Georgia. Notably, Chinese interests in Georgia currently focus on theeconomic sphere. However, the two countries share a common foundation for closer diplomatic cooperation. Additionally, deepening economic and business relations have a geopolitical corollary—by increasing its economic footprint China would have a growing interest in Georgia's stability and security, especially, after presenting the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013. The BRI is a diverse series of projects and encompasses both land and sea corridors and includes 65 countries - nearly two-thirds of the world's population, and one-third of global GDP. Within this project, Georgia can help shorten the distance between China and Europe, whichwill be positively reflected on the transit potential of this South Caucasus country.

Since Georgia's inclusion in the European Neighborhood Policy program in 2006, Georgia-EU relations have been in a stable and gradual development process, taking into account the geopolitical balances in the region. During this process, the European Union provided Georgia with a political framework for integration, both at the institutional and legislative levels. Georgia, on the other hand, concluded this process positively, which resulted in the Association Agreement, and succeeded in taking its relations with the EU to the next level. This rapid reform process, which brought Georgia closer to the EU acquis, has also made the European Union the most important and influential external actor in the country. In this context, as opposed to Moldova and Ukraine, the EU's unwillingness to grant a candidate status to Georgia has created a great disappointment in Georgia. The primary goal of this article is to assess the effects of the EU Commission's decision to link Georgia's EU candidacy status to the reform conditions, following Georgia's application in 2022. Using qualitative research methods and utilizing a variety of primary and secondary sources, this study examines the problems encountered in the implementation of reforms on political polarization, oligarchization, and the protection of vulnerable minorities, which we consider will be the most difficult to resolve. The conclusions of the study are important in terms of the steps that Georgia should take to fulfill the EU candidacy status requirements, the technical assistance that the EU can provide to Georgia in this regard, and the possible implications of this process on Georgia's politics.

In January 2022, in Georgia the hotel price index3 decreased by 7.2% compared to December 2021. The 3-star, 4-star and 5-star hotel price index decreased by 5.2%, while for guesthouses, the price index decreased by 9.6%. In January 2022, compared to January 2021, hotel prices in Georgia increased by 5.3%. The prices of 3*, 4*, 5* hotels increased by 5.9% and the prices of guesthouses increased by 9.4%.

Located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, Georgia has become an important node for regional trade flows. The Government of Georgia has taken steps to deregulate the economy, streamline bureaucracy, and combat corruption. Committed to an inclusive growth process, the government has considerably increased social sector funding and made public expenditure transparent. Solid economic growth is expected to support Georgia's development and reduce the country's poverty and unemployment.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Editor's Introductory Note -- SYMPOSIUM: RACE AND DEMOCRACY IN THE AMERICAS -- Race and Democracy in the Americas Project -- Race and Democracy in the U.S. and Brazil: The Evolution of a Program -- Project Conference Opening Remarks: International Cooperation on Higher Education -- Changing Racial Attitudes in Brazil: Retrospective and Prospective Views -- Self-directed" Activism between the U.S. African and Afro-Brazilian Communities: On the Nature of an Activist Relationship [A Response to Brazilian Activist Sueli Carneiro] -- Comparable or Connected? Afro-Diasporic Subjectivity and State Response in 1920s São Paulo and Chicago -- Racial Intimacy and Racial Politics: Adoption in the U.S. and Brazil -- Racism: A Contradiction within the Brazilian Democratic System -- Fear as the Commodity Blacks Own the Most: An Essay on Police Violence Against Black People and the Poor in Salvador, Bahia, Brazil -- Race Relations among University Students in Rio de Janeiro -- Rewriting the Black Subject: "History" and "Culture" in the Black Brazilian Emancipatory Text -- Racial Cycles? A Dynamic Approach to the Study of Race in Post-Revolutionary Cuba and Beyond -- The Pan-African Initiative in the Americas: Culture, Common Struggle, and the Odu Ifa -- Linking Two Theoretical Traditions: Toward Conceptualizing the American Racial State in a Globalized Milieu -- AMERICAN POLITICS: LOCAL AND NATIONAL PERSPECTIVES -- Race, Regime, and Redevelopment: Opportunities for Community Coalitions in Detroit, 1985-1993 -- Presidential Impeachment, Ideology, and Party Politics: Comparing 1868 to 1999 -- A TRIBUTE TO MACK HENRY JONES OF ATLANTA UNIVERSITY -- An Assessment of the Works of Mack Jones on the Development of Black Political Science: Introduction to a Symposium

Of all the post-Soviet states, the challenge of managing ethnic diversity has perhaps been the most problematic in Georgia. Following the secessions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in the early 1990s, Georgia has recent experience not only of the radicalization of ethnic relations but also of defeat in violent ethnic conflict. Current debates surrounding the conceptualization and management of ethnic diversity are thus inseparable from urgent questions concerning the future of the Georgian state, and explanations of the conflicts and questions of power and domination. Perceptions of the issue are further overshadowed by memories of the chauvinist rhetoric and illiberal policies of the early phase of sovereignty under President Zviad Gamsakhurdia. Abroad, perceptions of Georgia as a "micro-empire" continue to be fuelled by references to the Gamsakhurdia era, above all in the Russian press, and short-sighted recourse in Western sources to theories of "ancient hatreds." Defeat also means that contrary to demographic evidence of a proportional expansion of the ethnic Georgian population, independence has not imparted to the Georgian majority a sense of security associated with majority status. As a result of Georgia's apparent inability to influence outcomes in either the peace processes or internal developments in the seceded territories, and the decline in the Georgian population in real terms, the attainment of sovereignty has not allayed Georgian fears of either permanent territorial fragmentation or ethnic "degradation." Georgians consequently approach issues of majority-minority relations from a position of perceived weakness, coupled with as yet unfulfilled "post-colonial" desires for Georgianization.

"Durch den Krieg zwischen Georgien und Russland im August 2008 fielen auch die ukrainisch-russischen Beziehungen auf einen weiteren Tiefpunkt. Der ukrainische Präsident Viktor Juschtschenko fürchtete mit Ausbruch der Kriegshandlungen, dass Russland die ukrainische Halbinsel Krim im Schwarzen Meer bedrohen könnte. Auch der französische Außenminister Bernard Kouchner äußerte sich Ende August 2008 besorgt, wodurch das Thema große Aufmerksamkeit in den westeuropäischen und deutschen Medien erhielt. Vor dem Hintergrund einer deutlich eingeschränkten Pressefreiheit in Russland und wettbewerbsverzerrender Strukturen in der Ukraine wurde untersucht, in welcher Form dieses Thema in den Printmedien beider Länder diskutiert wurde. Durch die Untersuchung der deutschen Zeitungen wurde herausgearbeitet, wie und in welchem Umfang deutsche überregionale Printmedien über diesen möglichen Konflikt berichtet hatten. Die Analyse ausgewählter Printmedien der Ukraine, Russlands und Deutschlands hat die Einschätzung einer möglichen Bedrohung der Krim nicht bestätigt. Die Untersuchung dokumentiert aber grundsätzliche Konfliktpunkte der ukrainisch-russischen Beziehungen und wirft exemplarisch ein kritisches Licht auf die deutsche Berichterstattung über dieses sensible Thema. Sowohl Präsident Viktor Juschtschenko wie auch Regierungschefin Julija Timoschenko nutzten die mediale Aufmerksamkeit für die Platzierung ihrer eigenen innen- wie auch außenpolitischen Interessen. Die russischen Printmedien waren durch die mediale Präsenz des Georgien- Krieges gezwungen, sich zu den ukrainischen und westeuropäischen Einschätzungen eines möglichen Angriffes auf die Krim zu positionieren. Die deutsche Berichterstattung über eine mögliche Bedrohung der Krim nach dem georgisch-russischen Konflikt spiegelte zwar alle relevanten Streitpunkte der ukrainisch-russischen Beziehungen wider, gleichzeitig wurde aber die vermeintliche Bedrohung weder genauer begründet noch mit Beispielen belegt. Auf diese Weise fand in der deutschen Berichterstattung keine Analyse der innenpolitischen Relevanz des Themas in der Ukraine und Russland statt, was die Beurteilung Russlands als Aggressor und die Ukraine als nächstes Opfer begünstigte." (Autorenreferat)