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The Grammar of Trust and Distrust under State Socialism after Stalin. Introduction The introduction to the special issue defines trust/distrust from an interdisciplinary perspective, treating these emotions as analytical categories and outlining their potential for historical analysis. Inspired by the emotional and sensory turns, the guest editor examines the shift from Stalinist violence towards a politics of trust and empathy. This new politics saw these feelings as powerful emotional forces and moral resources that not only made it possible to renegotiate a social contract between the state, society and the individual, but also enabled the stabilisation of the Eastern bloc as a whole in the post-Stalin era. Differentiating between regimes and communities of trust/distrust, the author sheds light on the grammar of trust and distrust under state socialism, which impacted the shared sense of stability and inner hybridity of the socialist personality. By connecting trust and distrust with the key analytical categories of gender and generation, morality and power, consumption and materiality, and self and subjectivity, this special issue is a contribution to a history of trust and distrust that provides further reflection on the unceasing debate about what socialism was and what the lived experience of socialism continues to be in post-communist space.

ABSTRACTThis contribution discusses trajectories of labour power in the making. Taking a practice theory perspective on power, and focusing on the Accord on Fire and Building Safety in Bangladesh, the author asks how Bangladeshi trade unions are attempting to use changes in the industrial landscape after the factory collapse of Rana Plaza in 2013 to constitute different power sources. The article challenges assumptions in power resource theories that associational, institutional and social‐cultural power are pre‐existing factors, arguing that trade unions have to co‐construct and enact those power sources in order for them to become meaningful. The article contributes to the debate on Networks of Labour Activism (NOLA) by showing that networked interactions with global unions and other labour support organizations help to construct power in an incremental way through information sharing, claim reframing, increasing social recognition, and the construction of a 'shadow of protection' for trade unions. But it also points out new limitations resulting from managerial and political resistance, which aims to contain and reverse the growing power of labour. The Bangladesh Accord is a double‐edged sword: on the one hand it provides unions with new opportunities for developing strategic capabilities, while on the other hand it is used by powerful domestic actors to discredit trade unions and mobilize workers against the constraints of the Accord.

This review essay speaks to the crisis of Area Studies, offering a view from the field in the form of a review of Tsugaru Gaku (Tsugaru Studies) as a specific Area Studies research case. After presenting an overview of the work of social science researchers working in Japan, both foreign and Japanese, the essay turns to major questions articulated in the literature of Area Studies regarding the purpose, character and future of Area Studies. By reviewing the multi-dimensional and combinative implications in the process and dissemination of his own social science research work together with consideration of the work of Japanese social scientists conducting research in rural Japan and publishing in Japanese, the author positions such 'domestic,' place-based sociological and anthropological research as a vital contribution to the future of Area Studies. Capitalizing on social scientific research that can contribute to Area Studies research requires a view of the 'plasticity of research.' Further, recognition of the 'hybridity of the Area Studies researcher,' both as the trained Area Studies specialist as well as a 'domestic social science researcher' capable of theory, methodology and analysis, as well as dissemination of Area Studies research originating in a specific place and in a specific language, is vital to the future of Area Studies research.

Abstract
There is increasing recognition of traditional knowledge as an important store of information and practices for building adaptive capacity for climate change in the Pacific. However, empirical research and documentation of how Pacific Islanders experience climate change, identify relevant adaptation options, and mobilize their adaptive capacity, including traditional knowledge, remains limited. Given this context, indigenous islander perspectives on traditional knowledge and its role in building their adaptive capacity are examined in this article. The author draws on research with the Nakanamanga-speaking peoples of Tongoa Island, Vanuatu. This research documents traditional knowledge relating to weather and climate observations; resource use and management; social networks; local leadership; and values and beliefs in these indigenous communities and reveals differing perspectives about its potential to enhance local adaptive capacity. It highlights indigenous concerns about self-reliance, cultural continuity, and how the transition to a cash economy, the valorization of Western education and lifestyles, and rural–urban migration have had adverse implications for traditional knowledge and its retention. It further reveals potential trade-offs for indigenous communities on Tongoa Island, where traditional governance, tenure systems, and values enable flexibility and collective action that build adaptive capacity but can also promote conservative attitudes and limit uptake of new information and practices.

The article is devoted to the study of main directions of foreign policy of Fatali Khan, the khan of Derbent and Quba, in the 80s of the 18thcentury. The study has shown that Fatali Khan conducted rather an active foreign policy. He had the closest contacts with the Russian Empire. Fatali Khan many times addressed a request to the Imperial Court to get Russian citizenship, sent his ambassadors to discuss and solve various problems including normalization of trading relations with Russia. In his letters, the Khan asked for trade privileges for Derbent merchants, on his part he gave Russian merchants the right for duty-free trade in the Derbent-Quba khanate and other territories under his influence. The author of the article analyzes FataliKhan's policy on expanding the territory of his possession on account of other Dagestan and Azerbaijan lands, and his allied relations with ShamkhalTarkovsky.The Khan's relationswith other Dagestan rulers were not easy as they stood against his policy of expanding the borders of the Derbent-Quba khanate. Another direction of the foreign policy of the Khan of Derbent and Qubawas his relationship with the Georgian prince Alexander, whose actions were directed not only against the Kingdom of Kakheti and Kartli, but also against the Russian authorities. Therefore, Fatali Khan refused to support the Georgian prince.

Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to concentrate on environmental, social and governance performance (ESGP) in total and divided in each component and evaluate their impact on financial performance (FINP).


Design/methodology/approach
The study covers a sample selection of companies listed on the German Prime Standard (DAX30, TecDAX, MDAX) for the business years 2010-2014 (412 firm-year observations). A correlation and regression analysis was carried out to evaluate possible links between ESGP as determined by the Asset4 database of Thomson Reuters and accounting and market-based measures of FINP (Return on Assets [ROA] and Tobin's Q).


Findings
ESGP has a positive impact on ROA but no impact on Tobin's Q. Furthermore, by analyzing the three different components of ESGP, governance performance has the strongest impact on FINP in comparison to environmental and social performance.


Originality/value
The analysis makes a key contribution to the empirical corporate social responsibility (CSR) research as the author breaks down ESGP into their three components and include both accounting-based and market-based FINP measures for the German setting for the first time. Not only companies but also regulators and researchers are affected by the notion that CSR and FINP are close together and should be lead to a successful stakeholder management.

The aim of this study was to determine civil liability arising from the exercise of employee and employer. The terms of realization of civil liability include the general and specific conditions and of important theories about civil liability of employers against workers is the risk and fault theory. The popular legal opinion is that employer's liability is based on the fault assumption which refers to a fault-based liability where the fault is assumed and doesn't need proof. But it seems the base of sum of the employer's liability is sum and integration of risk theories and the fault assumption because in the fault assumption we see the individual's assumed liability that he/she can proofing lack of fault or failure come out from liability burden. Despite the respect for civil rights doctrine, in the opinion of the writer (author) perhaps we can't present a recorded and definite basis for employer's liability, as most lawyers believe. So what is in the law is the collective result of the integration fault assumption and derivatives of risk theory. In this study, conducted using descriptive – analytical, to identify the various intellectual foundations on raised issue, the Legal Opinions, law of common law and Romano-Germanic in this article are referred to different approaches on the issue ahead be explained.

The article presents the perceptions of global and internal developmental hierarchies in Romania. According to our empirical results, the Western-centred developmental paradigm has deeply penetrated the worldviews of ordinary people in Romania. As a consequence, national self-perceptions, respectively, constructions of internal regional and ethnic differences in Romania, are powerfully shaped by the idea of East–West developmental hierarchies. Melegh introduced the concept of an "East–West slope" to denote a discursive construction used since the eighteenth century. This construction suggests that there is a gradual decline of development (or "civilization") as one moves from the West (North West) toward the East (South East). The author argues that this framework not only defines how Romanians position themselves in the global developmental hierarchy but also how they define their internal (regional and ethnic) hierarchies. The article also discusses Todorova's concept of Balkanism. This interpretive framework not only defines the perceptions of external observers but (following a process of cultural penetration) may also shape the self-perceptions of those involved. This article argues that Romanians have succeeded in avoiding—at least partially—the most severe consequence of the "Balkanizing gaze," which is a constant sense of inferiority. It is also important, however, that this Balkanizing gaze can be reproduced at a national/local level and (in interrelation with other types of developmental discourses) can organize internal hierarchies.

The German experience with democracy and the market economy can be particularly valuable for other European countries for at least two reasons. Firstly, after World War II, the Germans effectively and permanently managed to enter the democratic political system based on the market economy. Initially, the economy was implemented only in the western part of the country and since 1990 all over the country. Secondly, after the collapse of the former Soviet bloc, Central European countries greatly benefited from German political solutions. This means that in favourable conditions, these experiences can be a valuable source of inspiration for other countries, especially those in Eastern Europe.This study is a result of research conducted in 2016 as part of the project 'Germany and Russia in a multipolar international order. Strategic vision and potential alliances' with the support of the Foundation for Polish-German Cooperation. It consists of four parts. Part I is an introduction to the issues analysed. Part II shows the genesis and characteristics of the democratic political system of Germany. Part III contains an analysis of the German experience with the implementation of the market economy. In Part IV, the author presents his conclusions of how and to what extent Eastern European countries can use the German experience in reforming their political systems and what conditions they would have to meet.

The banking union in Europe was proposed in 2012 as one of the key measures to address the structural weaknesses of the Economic and Monetary Union. It was introduced at a time of a serious regulatory overhaul of the financial sector in all developed parts of the world. Now that its implementation has started with the launch of the Single Supervisory Mechanism and the start of the Single Resolution Mechanism it is time to review what is the state of play of the elements of the banking union and to analyse the effects of its implementation on the Eurozone banking sector. The paper looks at each one of the pillars of the banking union. Then the author analyses the current state of the Eurozone banking sector and tries to identify how the introduction of the banking union has influenced on the developments within that sector. The paper argues that the Eurozone's banking sector has become more stable, better capitalised and its risks more controlled than in 2008 but this is at the expense of profitability. The Eurozone banking sector continues to exhibit a high level of non-performing loans. In part, this can be attributed to the banking union and the challenges it poses to the banking sector.

Abstract
This article compares two very different texts, but important similarities can be established between Cervantes's Don Quixote and Eminem's 'Stan'. These include shared explorations of fandom and influence. However, whilst Eminem discusses the dangers of his own music, Cervantes addresses the influence of an entire genre: the Chivalric Romance. Still, inherent to Cervantes's critique of poorly written Romances is recognition of his own accountability as an author. Therefore, both texts' creators consider the responsibilities that their influential position entails, examining this in reference to an apparently stereotypically drawn 'pathological fan'.
Jensen argues that the pathologizing of fans masks 'an implicit critique of modern life' (2003: 9), but both 'Stan' and Don Quixote's social critique is quite explicit. This is despite Cervantes's novel being produced before the modern era (as the age of mass media), and the relevance of other arguments made by Jensen – for example, those concerning stigmatization, compensation and understandings of the fan versus the aficionado – are also examined in reference to Don Quixote as a 'pre-modern' text. Nevertheless, fan characterization as a tool of social critique remains the central focus of this analysis, as it is through this that the allegedly negative stereotype of the fan depicted by both Cervantes and Eminem can be re-evaluated.

This article explores how, like other science fiction and fantasy novels, Typescript of the Second Origin relates to 1970s counterculture, radical politics and anti-establishment movements. Pedrolo, a leftist and pro-independence strongly committed author, echoes the radical left's breakaway from the bourgeois reactionary way of life and consumer society in the novel. The beginning of a post-apocalyptic era in the novel stands for some of the values attached to hippie culture: the search for an 'authentic' —natural, primitive, non-technological— life; anti-establishment activity —as shown in self-organisation and the dissolution of the political system—, universal solidarity —the first member of the new humankind is Mar, Alba and Dídac's mixed-race son—, as well as sexual liberation —Mar's parents are teenagers and sensuality and eroticism permeate the novel. However, the violent origin of the new era is ambivalent: whereas in other novels peaceful resistance to oppression brings about social change, the author's stark message seems now that humankind must succumb to create a different world. Thus, the story resonates with the debate within counterculture and radical groups of the 1970s as whether the use of violence is legitimate or not to resist power. Despite violence, Pedrolo's story depicts a melancholic feeling for change that the transition to democracy thwarted.

John Bloch (1839–1902) was a railroad tycoon, banker, social activist, philanthropist and man of science. He was shortlisted for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1902 for his multi-volume work entitled The Future of War in its Technical, Economic andPolitical Relations, which was dubbed 'the bible of pacifism.' Thanks to his multilayered activities he perfectly fits the positivist ideals of his time. Despite this, due to the course of history and 'unfavourable circumstances' for featuring his figure, for decades he was largely forgotten.The goal of this article is to present Jon Bloch and his works in the fields of entrepreneurship, science and most of all his attempts in aid of peace. I will present his major pacifist hypotheses and arguments which are included in his work TheFuture of War. The author substituted the usual religious and humanitarian arguments in aid of peace, with economic assertions. Published in many languages, the book became essential reading for the intellectuals and politicians at the break of 20th c., while Bloch gained the nickname of 'the father of contemporary pacifism.' In order to verify the legitimacy of this claim I will contrast Bloch's work to a work entitled The Great Illusion, by Norman Angell. Published in 1909, eleven years after the first publication of The Future of War, Angell's The Great Illusion is wellknown to the Anglo-Saxon readership. ; -

En este artículo, el autor propone un repaso somero de una experiencia inconmensurable: la creación y la dirección del Semanario de la CGT de los Argentinos por Rodolfo Walsh. El escrito postula la posibilidad de pensar a Walsh en su integralidad política, como valoración de una práctica donde se articulan el periodismo, la literatura, la investigación y la militancia; reconocer los contextos, las lógicas y las tensiones entre las culturas y las perspectivas que intervienen en esta experiencia; y las implicancias de producir discursos mediáticos populares que disputen el sentido sobre la emancipación, los modos organizativos y el rol de los movimientos políticosociales. ; In this article, the author proposes a brief review of an immeasurable experience: notes on the creation and direction of the Semanario de la CGT de los Argentinos by Rodolfo Walsh. The paper postulates the possibility of thinking of Walsh in his political integrality, as an evaluation of a practice where journalism, literature, research and militancy are articulated; recognize the contexts, the logic and the tensions between cultures and perspectives that come into play in this experience; and the implications of the challenge of producing popular media discourses to dispute the sense of the emancipation, the organizational modes and the role of the political-social movements. ; Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social

El siguiente artículo presenta un recorrido histórico y conceptual de la categoría populismo en la obra de Laclau, desde sus primeros trabajos inscriptos en el marxismo hasta su teoría madura del populismo en el campo postmarxista. La teoría política del populismo de Ernesto Laclau es una de las más sofisticadas y polémicas respuestas a la pregunta sobre el origen de esta categoría. El estudio que se propone el autor muestra las potencialidades de la categoría para el análisis político y también las dificultades teóricas que debe resolver para consolidarse en un mundo en constante evaluación de sus criterios de organización y participación en los ámbitos político, económico y social. ; The following article presents a historical and conceptual overview of the populism category in Laclau's work from his earliest works inscribed in Marxism to his mature theory of populism in the postmarxist camp. The political theory of populism by Ernesto Laclau is one of the most sophisticated and controversial answers to the question about the origin of this category. The study proposed by the author shows the potential of the category for political analysis and also the theoretical difficulties that must be solved to consolidate in a world in constant evaluation of its criteria of organization and participation in the political, economic and social spheres. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación