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Tras su regreso de las campañas de Córcega y Nápoles y su estancia en algunas plazas del Mediterráneo, el Ingeniero General Jorge Próspero de Verboom se estableció en Pamplona en agosto de 1725 para redactar proyectos de fortificación en tres plazas de la frontera hispano-francesa: Fuenterrabía, San Sebastián y Pamplona. El Ingeniero Director Luis de Langot elaboró un primer proyecto para Fuenterrabía, que fue corregido de forma magistral por Verboom. Esta investigación atribuye a Verboom la autoría intelectual del proyecto inédito firmado por Pedro Moreau, al tiempo que analiza de forma comparativa los aspectos técnicos de ambos proyectos, y expone las disputas entre ambos ingenieros. ; Following his return from the campaign of Sicily and his stay in various Mediterranean strongholds, the Engineer General Jorge Próspero de Verboom settled down in Pamplona in July 1725 to produce designs for the fortification of three strongholds on the Spain-France border: Fuenterrabía, San Sebastian and Pamplona. Chief Engineer Luis de Langot produced a preliminary design for Fuenterrabia, which was perfected by Verboom. This research acknowledges Verboom as the intellectual author of the unprecedented design signed by Pedro Moreau, at the same time as analysing the technical aspects of both designs through comparison and explaining the dispute between the two engineers.

In the face of demographic problems in Europe which are mainly caused by reduced reproduction of the population, in the case of Poland also emigration, it is no surprise that the declarations, which aim at indicating the proposals of staving off the threat of demographic crisis appear in electoral campaigns. This is indicated by the general formulated directions of actions as well as the proposals of particular actions. Because the biggest number of instruments which may be used to support the families' decision about procreation are found within the scope of family policy, this area of social policy has been selected as the object of analysis. This article presents the selected proposals of the electoral offer concerned with the solutions in the framework of family policy of those parties which during parliamentary elections 2015 in Poland, registered the lists of candidates for Sejm in at least half of electoral constituencies. The aim of the author is not only identify the vision of family policy and the directions of its development presented by given parties, but above all to try to indicate the main separation lines. Detailed analysis of the proposals, mainly from electoral programs, allowed also to mark off those areas and solutions around which political consensus can be created, as they were a part of electoral programs of almost all groups.

We present several methods for prediction of new observations in penalized regression using different methodologies, based on the methods proposed in: i) Currie et al. (2004), ii) Gilmour et al. (2004) and iii) Sacks et al. (1989). We extend the method introduced by Currie et al. (2004) to consider the prediction of new observations in the mixed model framework. In the context of penalties based on differences between adjacent coefficients (Eilers & Marx (1996)), the equivalence of the different methods is shown. We demonstrate several properties of the new coefficients in terms of the order of the penalty. We also introduce the concept memory of a P-spline, this new idea gives us information on how much past information we are using to predict. The methodology and the concept of memory of a P-spline are illustrated with three real data sets, two of them on the yearly mortality rates of Spanish men and other on rental prices. ; The first and the second authors acknowledge financial support from the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness MTM2014-52184-P. The third author acknowledges financial support from the Basque Government through the BERC 2014-2017 program and by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness MINECO: BCAM Severo Ochoa excellence accreditation SEV-2013-0323.

This is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from Cambridge University Press via https://doi.org/10.1017/S0018246X1600042X ; AbstractIt is generally assumed that the kingless Commonwealth established in 1649 was the unforeseen consequence of the regicide: an expedient taken hesitantly and nothing more than a stop-gap. 'Republicanism' was a minority position even among those who remained at Westminster during the dramatic events of 1648–9: the majority remained committed to monarchical forms of government. By reappraising the surviving evidence, this article proposes a radically different account of the genesis of the Commonwealth regime. Not only were preparations already underway in the weeks before Charles I's death that helped to pave the way for government without a king, but also the decision to abolish kingship after the regicide was itself taken relatively quickly, with no discernible signs of hesitation. Even if few who defended or served the Commonwealth were republican, this need not mean that the majority were attached to monarchy. Rather, many of those who supported the regime, drawing upon the experiences and ideas of 1640s parliamentarianism, claimed that the form of government was only ever of secondary importance in comparison to its substance. They did not think kingship was inherently unlawful, but they did not believe it was absolutely necessary either.

ABSTRACTIn this article, I consider Polynesian genealogies, which took the form of epic poems composed and recited by specialist genealogists, and were handed down orally through generations of Polynesians. Some were written down in the nineteenth century, reaching an English-speaking audience through a number of works largely neglected by historians. In recent years, some anthropologists have downplayed the possibility of learning anything significant about Polynesian thought through English-language sources, but I show that there is still fresh historical insight to be gained in demonstrating how genealogies came to interact with the traditions of outsiders in the nineteenth century. While not seeking to make any absolute claims about genealogy itself, I analyse a wide body of English-language literature, relating chiefly to Hawai'i, and see emerging from it suggestions of a dynamic Polynesian oral tradition responsive to political, social, and religious upheaval. Tellingly, Protestant missionaries arriving in the islands set their own view of history against this supposedly irrelevant tradition, and in doing so disagreed with late nineteenth-century European and American colonists and scholars who sought to emphasize the historical significance of genealogy. Thus, Western ideas about history found themselves confounded and fragmented by Polynesian traditions. ; This is the author accepted manuscript. It is currently under an indefinite embargo pending publication by Cambridge University Press.

Проанализированы современные модели обеспечения внутренней безопасности в странах Европейского Союза. Рассмотрены субъекты контроля за деятельностью правоохранительных органов Франции, Швеции, Австрии, Нидерландов, Великобритании. Отмечено, что использование европейских стандартов в организации и осуществлении контроля за деятельностью Национальной полиции и Национальной гвардии Украины будет объективно способствовать использованию наиболее эффективных организационно-правовых форм контроля за правоохранительными органами государства. Проаналізовано сучасні моделі забезпечення внутрішньої безпеки в країнах Європейського Союзу. Розглянуто суб'єкти контролю за діяльністю правоохоронних органів Франції, Швеції, Австрії, Нідерландів, Великобританії. Відзначено, що використання європейських стандартів в організації і здійсненні контролю за діяльністю Національної поліції і Національної гвардії України буде об'єктивно сприяти використанню найбільш ефективних організаційно-правових форм контролю за правоохоронними органами держави. The author has analyzed the current models of ensuring internal security in the European Union countries. The subjects of control over the activities of law enforcement agencies of France, Sweden, Austria, the Netherlands, UK have been considered. It has been noted that the use of European standards in arranging and realizing control over the activities of the National police and the National Guard of Ukraine will objectively promote to both clear definition of the course of the reform and optimization of internal affairs activities in Ukraine, and also the use of the most effective organizational and legal forms of control over law enforcement agencies of the state.

В статье, на основе ряда эпиграфических источников по истории Херсонеса Таврического, изучена государственно-правовая система полиса в античный период. На основе данных эпиграфики автор делает выводы о политической борьбе в Херсонесе Таврическом, структуре органов государственной власти, особенностях правовой системы и об изменениях политического статуса города. Однако исследования отечественных ученых по данному вопросу не носят историко-правового характера. В связи с этим, необходимо изучить имеющиеся эпиграфические памятники античного Херсонеса с точки зрения права. The research is based on a number of epigraphic sources that provide information of the state and legal system of Tauric Chersonese in the ancient period. These sources allow the author to make some conclusions about the political struggle in Chersonese, the structure of the government, the features of legal system and the changes in the political status of the city. However, scientific research by some Russian scientists on this issue is not of an explicit historical and legal character. So, it is necessary to study the existing epigraphic data of ancient Chersonese in terms of legal sciences. ; Trufanova N. M. Characteristics of some epigraphic sources about the political system of Tauric Chersonese / Trufanova N. M. // The Black Sea region. History, politics, culture. – No XXII(VII). Series A: Antiquity and the Middle Ages. – Sevastopol: Sevastopol Branch of Lomonosov Moscow State University, 2017. – P. 66–69.

Corruption in Indonesia has been categorized as an extraordinary crime (extraordinary crime) for devastating, not only the country's financial and economic potential of the country, but also has destroyed the pillars of socio-cultural, moral, political and legal order or national security. With the incredible title, then appeared the discourse for the removal of remission for corruption, so it is then reap the pro and contra among the people.As for the identification of the problem in writing this article the author limit as to whether the abolition of remissions for the corruptors is in conformity with the existing laws, or actually even contrary to human rights. The method used in this study using normative juridical approach, the research done by basing on literature data or secondary data. Based on these results, that the abolition of remission to criminals is not in accordance with the rules of the applicable legislation, especially Regulation No. 12 Year 1995 on Corrections, particularly clause 14 subsection (1) points i, which states that "Prisoners are entitled to a reduction in criminal past (remission)". Therefore, if the Government intends to provide a more powerful deterrent effect against criminal act of corruption, then the Government should first rule synergize legislation governing the granting remission to prisoners, so there is no overlapping policies.Keywords: Corruption, Remission, Objective Punishment.

In this article the author analyzes the sterility of so-called Criminal Law Symbolic and the ineffectiveness of one of its recurring expressions in our reality, as is the declaration of a state of constitutional emergency, to fight crime, apropos of the recent experience lived in the Province Constitutional Callao, and highlights the misuse of a repressive, vindictive and devoid of reasonable criminal policy; in order to conclusively reaffirm the ethical duty and constitutional obligation of every democratic state and right criminological design and implement a policy respecting the dignity of the human person is effective to control and reduce crime. ; En este artículo, la autora analiza la esterilidad del denominado derecho penal simbólico y la ineficacia de una de sus expresiones recurrentes en nuestra realidad para combatir la criminalidad, como es la declaración de estado de emergencia constitucional, a propósito de la reciente experiencia vivida en la Provincia Constitucional del Callao. Asimismo, subraya el mal uso de una política penal represiva, vindicativa y carente de razonabilidad, con la finalidad de reafirmar concluyentemente el deber ético y la obligación constitucional que tiene todo Estado democrático y de derecho de diseñar y aplicar una política criminológica eficaz para controlar y reducir la criminalidad, respetando la dignidad de la persona humana.

© The Author 2016. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the German History Society. All rights reserved. Using a case study of the Protestant churches in the British zone in occupied Germany after the Second World War, the article explores church responses to an often-neglected aspect of the Allies' purge of post-Nazi Germany: their mass internment of German civilians. Whereas the literature is critical of church support for former Nazis and opposition to Allied measures, the article argues for differentiation. Church assistance for internees was even more extensive than previously recognized and erred on the side of assisting undeserving former Nazis, while also being somewhat selective and discerning. Much church activity was in opposition to the British, yet there was also a degree of cooperation and negotiation. The article argues that ecclesiastical criticism of civilian internment was not merely a symptom of a refusal to confront the past or an expression of nationalist ideology. Internment was a genuine object of criticism in its own right and a source of wider church objections to denazification. Ultimately, Allied internment policy, pressure from below, interconfessional rivalry, national solidarity and the lack of a German government all contributed to the Protestant churches becoming outspoken critics of the Allies and advocates for those members of the German people who found themselves in civilian internment camps.

The range of problems, related to home creation of the state in the European christocentric context of the newest twenty-four hours, is studied in the article. The perspective phenomenon of influence of the leading European state and public figures is comprehended on Ukrainian creation of the state. Principles of axiology of co-operation and call the ideas of Ukrainian and world diskurs are outlined in this context. Studied valued-semantic parallels between spiritually-intellectual diskurs of Ukrainian and christian-conservative semiosfera ideas of the British public and state figure М. Thatcher and immanently christian after education and traditions ideas and existence of the Polish military and state figure V. Yaruzelsky, that always cared of fate of native culture, language, ordinariness. As an antithesis ofof М. Thatcher and V. Yaruzelsky to the context of respect of statesman to the mother tongue and culture driven, Oles Honchar fixed in "Diary" reaction of contemporary М. Thatcher, and V. Yaruzelsky in a period guidance on the sign from a world view side poetry of V. Sosura" Love Ukraine" the home country of V.Shcherbitsky . The author of the article concentrates attention on mental and ethical foundations of development of the personal and public spiritually-intellectual prospect, on existential essence of choice of public and state figure in tipping social historical points.

© 2017, © The Author(s) 2017. The stigmatisation, control, criminalisation and incarceration of people with disability have a long history. While in recent decades there has been increasing commitment to the rights of people with disabilities by governments in western nations, the over-representation of people with mental and cognitive disability in criminal justice systems has continued. Although there are similarities amongst Western jurisdictions in regard to the treatment of people with disability in justice systems, there are particularities in Australia that will be drawn out in this article. We argue that disadvantaged people with mental and cognitive disability are being managed by and entrenched in criminal justice systems across Australia's six states and two territories, including so-called diversionary and therapeutic measures that appear to accommodate their disability. In the absence of early and appropriate diagnosis, intervention and support in the community, some disadvantaged and poor persons with mental and cognitive disability, in particular Indigenous Australians, are being systematically criminalised. Criminal justice agencies and especially youth and adult prisons have become normalised as places of disability management and control. Drawing on research that focuses in detail on the jurisdictions of the Northern Territory and New South Wales, we argue for a reconstruction of the understanding of and response to people with these disabilities in the criminal justice system.

The main research problem of this article is whether the political message, that was addressed to voters in the presidential election from 2015, was based on the results of the evaluations or of the socio-economic researches were conducted by the research centers. The political views and slogans, which were presented by the candidates for the President of Poland during the campaign in 2015, were analyzed to answer the main research problem. The theoretical framework of the evaluation and the process of evaluation researches on the example of the managing authority of the operational program were described in the first part of this article. The European experience of utilization the evaluation results by the political class and the analysis of the presidential campaign from 2015 in reference of constructing political arguments with the results of the evaluation were presented in the second part. The author concludes that the results of the evaluation were marginally used during the campaign. The political arguments, that were used by candidates for the President of Poland, were mostly limited to recall simple figures, expert and public opinion, although in some cases the politics referenced to the results of the studies and reports. However, it is impossible to conclude if one of these studies was an evaluation research.

PUBLISHED ; joint author with Louiza Kalokairinou et al, ?Legislation of Direct-to-Consumer Genetic Testing in Europe: A Fragmented Regulatory Landscape? ? this has been submitted to the Journal of Community Genetics. ? This has a large number of authors because it reviewing the law in a large number of European Member States. ; Despite the increasing availability of direct-toconsumer (DTC) genetic testing, it is currently unclear how such services are regulated in Europe, due to the lack of EU or national legislation specifically addressing this issue. In this article, we provide an overview of laws that could potentially impact the regulation of DTC genetic testing in 26 European countries, namely Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. Emphasis is placed on provisions relating to medical supervision, genetic counselling and informed consent. Our results indicate that currently there is a wide spectrum of laws regarding genetic testing in Europe. There are countries (e.g. France and Germany) which essentially ban DTC genetic testing, while in others (e.g. Luxembourg and Poland) DTC genetic testing may only be restricted by general laws, usually regarding health care services and patients? rights.

The author proposes theoretical perspectives that invite to explore dimensions of the Independence that the historiography ad usum is not in the habit of frequenting. This way, he calls to locating the Independence in the process of the project of the modernity and its basic components in the areas of the culture, the society and the daily life, and postulates the need to look at the Independence from some of the theoretical horizons that open the new courses of the cultural, juridical, political and philosophical studies on topics as subalternity, decolonization, coloniality of the power and of the knowledge, distinction between "the political" and "the politics"", "event", etc. ; El autor propone perspectivas teóricas que invitan a explorar dimensiones de la Independencia poco transitadas por la historiografía ad usum. Así, convoca a ubicar la Independencia en el proceso del proyecto de la modernidad y sus componentes básicos en los ámbitos de la cultura, la sociedad y la vida cotidiana, y postula la necesidad de mirar la Independencia desde algunos de los horizontes teóricos que abren los nuevos derroteros de los estudios culturales, jurídicos, políticos y filosóficos sobre temas como subalternidad, descolonización, colonialidad del poder y del saber, distinción entre "lo político" y "la política", "acontecimiento", etc.