Suchergebnisse

Jorge Alemán es un prestigioso psicoanalista argentino, radicado desde hace cuarenta años en España, que retorna periódicamente al país para acercarnos algunas reflexiones en torno a los procesos políticos y sociales contemporáneos, la cuestión del sujeto y la producción subjetividades en el actual contexto neoliberal. Es, además, escritor y agregado cultural de la Embajada de la República Argentina en Madrid, España. Este ensayo está basado en la conferencia brindada el 13 de agosto de 2015 y organizada por la Facultad de Psicología y por la Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata. ; Jorge Alemán is a prestigious Argentinian psychoanalyst that lives in Spain since forty years, that returns periodically to Argentina to share his reflections about politic and social contemporaneous processes, the matter of the subject and the production of subjectivities in the actual neoliberal context. He is also writer and cultural attaché of the Embassy of the Republic Argentina in Madrid, Spain. This essay is based on the conference dictacted on August 13 2015 and organized by the Facultad de Psicología and by the Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social of the Universidad Nacional de La Plata. ; Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social

This study focuses on the four stages of Chinese relations with Latin America between 1949 and mid-2008. Ties during the 1950s were limited but directed toward a broad cross-section of individual Latin Americans. This was abruptly reversed during the Sino-Soviet dispute of the 1960s by militant advocacy of guerrilla warfare in Latin America. From the early 1970s until the death of Mao Zedong, militant Maoism was blended with a renewed opening of relations, now to military and civilian Latin governments. The final period began with Deng Xiaoping and his reforms and continues to today. This study focuses on Sino-Latin political and economic relations in general and links to the radical governments of Cuba and Venezuela in particular and weighs the impact of this expansion on Sino-U.S. relations. It concludes with comments on how China's presence may affect political and economic developments in Latin America itself and how to hone productive cooperation among China, the United States, and Latin nations. Adapted from the source document.

Analysis of more than 20 projects for clustering small and medium enterprises and supporting organizations in different Latin American countries has uncovered a number of barriers, activities, structures, strategies, policies and procedures that impact competitiveness. These factors mean that there are different appropriate industrial cluster and industrial business models appropriate for the social, economic, and business conditions of the Latin American region. It is difficult to transfer successful practices from industrialized countries to developing regions with a light adaptation, because it is impossible to have "clustering readiness" when resources are scarce, regional and industrial conditions are hostile, and associated capabilities of the participants of clustering are poor or nonexistent. These conclusions are supported by applying a methodology designed by the authors to identify global opportunities and formulate viable cluster structures, capable of converting isolated scarce resources in difficult situations, into world-class regional value propositions.

La Convención sobre los Derechos del Niño ha tenido impacto reformador en las legislaciones latinoamericanas. Las relaciones entre progenitores e hijos no han estado al margen de esta renovación legal. Sin embargo, el desarrollo habría sido bastante dispar, al menos en lo que atañe a la figura de la responsabilidad parental. Son pocos los Estados que han introducido modificaciones sustanciales en el régimen jurídico de las relaciones entre padres e hijos. Otros se habrían quedado a mitad de camino y un tercer grupo, que aún no habría tomado nota de los avances que incentiva dicha herramienta legal internacional, tendría una deuda pendiente con los derechos humanos de niños, niñas y adolescentes. ¿Qué Estados han cumplido con dicho mandato, cómo y en qué sentido para estar acorde con los postulados de la Convención? Este es el interrogante clave que atraviesa este estudio contemporáneo sobre la figura de la responsabilidad parental en América Latina. ; The Convention on the Rights of the Child has had a reforming impact on Latin American legislation. Relations between parents and children have not been outside this legal renewal. The development would have been quite uneven; at least that is what happens with the figure of parental responsibility. Few States that have introduced substantial changes in the legal regime of parent-child relationships. Others who would have stayed halfway and a third group, who had not yet noted the progress of this international legal tool, observing a pending debt to the human rights of children. Which states have complied with this mandate, how and in what sense to be in accordance with the postulates of the Convention? This is the key question that transversalizes this contemporary study on the figure of parental responsibility in Latin America. ; Fil: Herrera, Marisa. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina ; Fil: Lathrop, Fabiola. Universidad de Chile; Chile

Latin America witnessed a resurgence of protests during the 1990s and early 2000s. Citizens took to the streets to protest against the liberalization of public services and rising levels of inequalities and poverty. This situation partly changed in the decade of the 2000s when the region experienced a period of sustained social policy expansion intended to extend protections to formerly excluded groups. Did popular mobilization have an influence on the turn toward universalism in Latin American social policy? This paper explores this question by looking at the relationship between protest, the strength of the Left and the adoption of expansive reforms in healthcare, conditional cash transfers and noncontributory pensions. The findings bring support to the idea that protest is a relevant aspect of the politics of social policy reform, although its effects are both sensitive to other characteristics of the political environment and the particular policy dimension considered. ; América Latina presenció un resurgimiento de las protestas durante los 1990s y principios de la décadasiguiente. Las personas salieron a las calles para oponerse a la liberalización de los servicios públicos y a niveles crecientes de desigualdad y pobreza. Esta situación parcialmente cambió en la década de 2000, cuando la región experimentó un período de expansión de las políticas sociales que extendió protecciones a grupos antes excluidos. ¿Qué rol tuvo la movilización popular en el giro al universalismo en las políticas sociales latinoamericanas? Este artículo explora este tema observando la relación entre la protesta, la fuerza electoral de la izquierda, y la adopción de reformas expansivas en salud, transferencias condicionadas, y pensiones no contributivas. El análisis ofrece evidencia de que la protesta es un aspecto relevante de las reformas de las políticas sociales, aunque sus efectos son sensibles a otras características del contexto político, y a la dimensión específica de la política considerada.

Political Institutions and Economic Growth in Latin America offers a new contribution to the literature on institutions and growth through the analysis of historical cases of institutional change and economic growth in Latin America in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

This is a translated and edited version of a section of the author's El folklore de las luchas sociales (Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno, 1973) — a book which received mention in the 1973 Casa de las Americas awards and has been banned in several Latin American dictatorships. In his introduction, the author differentiates a Marxist approach to folklore studies from the usual bourgeois approaches. In contrast with those who view folklore as either evidence of an idealized past where the upper class was accepted as legitimate rulers by the folk or with those who view the "people's culture" as ipso facto revolutionary, Carvalho-Neto shows that folklore mirrors the class struggle and is itself an instrument of class hegemony over all culture. Folklore also reflects defense, resistance and struggle, for as long as an oppressed group is not liberated, its folklore of resistance represents primarily an adaptation to the violence of domination.