Suchergebnisse

The Beras untuk Rakyat Miskin (Raskin) program was introduced as an emergency food security program in 1998; it delivers rice to be purchased at subsidized prices, prioritized to poor and near-poor households. In terms of government expenditure, Raskin remains the largest permanent social assistance transfer targeted to poor households in Indonesia. Though developed as a response to crisis, Raskin has become a permanent program and in real expenditure terms is one of the few social assistance programs with a larger budget in 2010 than in 2005. In 2010 Raskin accounted for nearly 53 percent of all household-targeted social assistance spending carried out by the central government. Over 2000 to 2010, the amount of rice allocated by the Raskin program has averaged over 2 million tons per year; in 2010 the almost 3 million tons allocated could have delivered between 30 and 40 kilograms per month to the approximately 6.2 million households at or below the poverty line. The distribution of Raskin rice does not closely align with the objectives laid out in program manuals and official documentation for at least three reasons. First, not all of the rice procured for the Raskin program makes it to households. In the three most recent years for which there is audited budget data (2007 through 2009), nationally representative household surveys indicate that only half (or less) of the rice procured for Raskin is purchased by households. The readily-available budget and administrative records cannot indicate where the bulk of this "missing" rice exits the delivery chain, and no single agency or authority is in charge of Raskin rice from procurement to household purchase. This note assesses the operation and implementation of the Raskin program to determine how well poor households are served by the program and the overall cost of program resources. The note provides quantitative analysis of the coverage, incidence, and average benefit levels of Raskin to determine both the progressivity of the program's targeting and the adequacy of benefit levels. Qualitative information on program delivery and program operations will also shed light on areas for reform. An evidence-based appraisal of the household-based transfer currently consuming over 50 percent of the entire social assistance budget envelope can provide inputs to the Government of Indonesia (GOI) as it continues to try to achieve both Pro-Poor development for all Indonesians and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).

The central objective of this paper is to put the discussion of women's rights in Afghanistan in the context of the multiple transitions entailed by the process of post-conflict reconstruction: a security transition (from war to peace), a political transition (to the formation of a legitimate and effective state) and a socioeconomic transition (from a "conflict" economy to sustainable growth). These transformations do not occur in a social vacuum but build upon existing societal arrangements that condition and limit the range of available opportunities. The first section contextualizes current attempts at securing women's rights in the troubled history of state-building and state-society relations in Afghanistan. The latter were marked by tensions between a rentier state bolstered by foreign subsidies, which had a relatively weak engagement with society, and a rural hinterland that both resisted the incursions of the state and attempted to represent tribal interests within it. Attempts at modernization, including the expansion of women's rights, were instigated by a male state elite whose bids to centralize power were thwarted at various junctures. The issue of women's rights was used as a bargaining counter in contests between social forces whose geopolitical entanglements produced sharp swings of the pendulum between extremes such as the Soviet-backed socialist experiment under the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) and the Islamist policies of the Pakistani-backed Taliban. However, in a context where the state's interface with local communities, whether in terms of the legal framework, revenue collection or service delivery, was always limited, attempts to analyse women's rights with reference only to government policies suffer from serious shortcomings. It is, rather, to the profound transformations brought about by years of protracted conflict that one must look for a better appraisal of obstacles to and opportunities for more gender-equitable development in Afghanistan. The second section discusses the implications of the far-reaching changes in social relations brought about by years of war and displacement following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. A predominantly rural country whose population achieved relatively self-sufficient livelihoods was transformed into a fragmented polity where a significant proportion of the economy is based on illicit, criminalized networks of trade in drugs (opium poppy, in particular) and commodities such as timber and emeralds, smuggling of goods and human trafficking. The central argument put forward in this section is that routine violations of women's rights in Afghanistan are determined by analytically distinct but overlapping and mutually reinforcing sets of influences: the dynamics of gendered disadvantage, the erosion of local livelihoods and growing poverty, the criminalization of the economy, and insecurity due to the predations of armed groups and factions. Particular combinations of new pressures (such as poverty, indebtedness and predation by local strongmen) and existing practices (such as the early marriage of girls against the payment of brideprice) create outcomes that may easily be misidentified as unmediated expressions of local "culture", thus detracting critical attention from the full nexus of influences that deepen the vulnerability of girls and women. The third section focuses on processes of institutional development and reform since the Bonn Agreement in 2001.The national machinery set up for the advancement of women consists of: the Ministry of Women's Affairs (MOWA); the Office of the State Minister for Women (OSMOW), set up to provide policy guidance with particular reference to legislative and judicial reform processes; the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC), tasked with the advancement of women's rights under one of its five programme areas; and the Gender Advisory Group (GAG), a donor-government co-ordination body that assists in formulating a national framework and budget for gender mainstreaming. The most tangible gains so far have been achieved in the area of legal rights, which were enshrined in the new Constitution of January 2004 and provide legal guarantees for women's equality as citizens and for their political representation. Many unresolved questions remain concerning the respective roles of Islamic and tribal laws and the stipulations of international treaties to which the government is a signatory (such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women/CEDAW which was ratified without reservations in March 2003). Without a process of consensus-building through political normalization and reconciliation, the risk that women's rights will be held hostage to factional politics remains high. The expansion of women's formal rights cannot, in any case, translate into substantive benefits in the absence of security and the rule of law. Moreover, women's formal rights to civic participation may have limited impact in a context where they remain wards of their households and communities and where their most basic entitlements to education and health continue to be denied. The conclusion draws attention to crippling disjunctures between different facets of post-conflict transition. Legal and governance reforms have advanced at a faster pace than has been achieved in the security sector or the transition to sustainable livelihoods. There is also a disjuncture between, on the one hand, the time frames adopted and outputs expected by international actors driving the women's rights agenda, and on the other, the length of time required for non-cosmetic changes in societal relations to develop as a result of peace-building. Since the issue of women's rights continues to occupy a highly politicized and sensitive place in the struggles between contending political factions in Afghanistan, this disjuncture may itself produce unintended effects, with disempowering consequences for women.

The central objective of this paper is to put the discussion of women's rights in Afghanistan in the context of the multiple transitions entailed by the process of post-conflict reconstruction: a security transition (from war to peace), a political transition (to the formation of a legitimate and effective state) and a socioeconomic transition (from a 'conflict' economy to sustainable growth). These transformations do not occur in a social vacuum but build upon existing societal arrangements that condition and limit the range of available opportunities. The first section contextualizes current attempts at securing women's rights in the troubled history of state-building and state-society relations in Afghanistan. The latter were marked by tensions between a rentier state bolstered by foreign subsidies, which had a relatively weak engagement with society, and a rural hinterland that both resisted the incursions of the state and attempted to represent tribal interests within it. Attempts at modernization, including the expansion of women's rights, were instigated by a male state elite whose bids to centralize power were thwarted at various junctures. The issue of women's rights was used as a bargaining counter in contests between social forces whose geopolitical entanglements produced sharp swings of the pendulum between extremes such as the Soviet-backed socialist experiment under the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) and the Islamist policies of the Pakistani-backed Taliban. However, in a context where the state's interface with local communities, whether in terms of the legal framework, revenue collection or service delivery, was always limited, attempts to analyse women's rights with reference only to government policies suffer from serious shortcomings. It is, rather, to the profound transformations brought about by years of protracted conflict that one must look for a better appraisal of obstacles to and opportunities for more gender-equitable development in Afghanistan. The second section discusses the implications of the far-reaching changes in social relations brought about by years of war and displacement following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. A predominantly rural country whose population achieved relatively self-sufficient livelihoods was transformed into a fragmented polity where a significant proportion of the economy is based on illicit, criminalized networks of trade in drugs (opium poppy, in particular) and commodities such as timber and emeralds, smuggling of goods and human trafficking. The central argument put forward in this section is that routine violations of women's rights in Afghanistan are determined by analytically distinct but overlapping and mutually reinforcing sets of influences: the dynamics of gendered disadvantage, the erosion of local livelihoods and growing poverty, the criminalization of the economy, and insecurity due to the predations of armed groups and factions. Particular combinations of new pressures (such as poverty, indebtedness and predation by local strongmen) and existing practices (such as the early marriage of girls against the payment of brideprice) create outcomes that may easily be misidentified as unmediated expressions of local 'culture', thus detracting critical attention from the full nexus of influences that deepen the vulnerability of girls and women. The third section focuses on processes of institutional development and reform since the Bonn Agreement in 2001.The national machinery set up for the advancement of women consists of: the Ministry of Women's Affairs (MOWA); the Office of the State Minister for Women (OSMOW), set up to provide policy guidance with particular reference to legislative and judicial reform processes; the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC), tasked with the advancement of women's rights under one of its five programme areas; and the Gender Advisory Group (GAG), a donor-government co-ordination body that assists in formulating a national framework and budget for gender mainstreaming. The most tangible gains so far have been achieved in the area of legal rights, which were enshrined in the new Constitution of January 2004 and provide legal guarantees for women's equality as citizens and for their political representation. Many unresolved questions remain concerning the respective roles of Islamic and tribal laws and the stipulations of international treaties to which the government is a signatory (such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women/CEDAW which was ratified without reservations in March 2003). Without a process of consensus-building through political normalization and reconciliation, the risk that women's rights will be held hostage to factional politics remains high. The expansion of women's formal rights cannot, in any case, translate into substantive benefits in the absence of security and the rule of law. Moreover, women's formal rights to civic participation may have limited impact in a context where they remain wards of their households and communities and where their most basic entitlements to education and health continue to be denied. The conclusion draws attention to crippling disjunctures between different facets of post-conflict transition. Legal and governance reforms have advanced at a faster pace than has been achieved in the security sector or the transition to sustainable livelihoods. There is also a disjuncture between, on the one hand, the time frames adopted and outputs expected by international actors driving the women's rights agenda, and on the other, the length of time required for non-cosmetic changes in societal relations to develop as a result of peace-building. Since the issue of women's rights continues to occupy a highly politicized and sensitive place in the struggles between contending political factions in Afghanistan, this disjuncture may itself produce unintended effects, with disempowering consequences for women.

В публікації висвітлено результати опитування студентів щодо сили прояву окремих детермінант якості вищої освіти. За результатами аналізу відповідей респондентів було встановлено факт домінування тих з складових змісту феномену якості вищої освіти, які пов'язані з формуванням конкурентних переваг фахівця та його здатністю до отримання більшого рівня заробітної плати. Найменша за силою прояву значущість у формуванні категоріального змісту якості вищої освіти на думку студентів відведена детермінантам можливості людини здійснювати особистісний розвиток та розуміти зміст подій навколо себе. В статті обґрунтовано напрями вдосконалення змісту та практики використання нормативно-правового механізму державного управління забезпеченням якості вищої освіти та подано пропозиції щодо зміни фокусу уваги у тлумаченні змісту відповідної категорії. ; Problem setting. A programme about the activity of Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine which was recently approved with Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine determines the issues related with providing training for competitive specialists in the system of universities of higher education on the level of one of the most priority objectives of the Government for the next five years. Such level of attention to the higher education quality is due to the fact that only 25% of employers are satisfied with the level of training of specialists in the system of higher education. The complexity of the Government's programme task is related to the diversity of manifestations of the content of the higher education quality phenomenon and inequality of stakeholders thoughts about the strength of the manifestations of its determinants. Solving the problem connected with the importance of the determinants of the higher education quality in its final content will lead to improving of the effectiveness of the implementation of state policy in the field of higher education. Recent research and publications analysis. The problematics of higher education quality, as well as the issue of its providing, always remain in the focus of the scientific attention of researchers. Among the latest publications of the relevant sphere we should pay attention to those which were published by V. P. Andrushhenko, V. P. Andrushchenko, Yu.V. Bekh, Ye. I. Pinchuk, N. G. Batechko, G. P. Klimova, V. I. Lugovy`j, Zh. V.Talanova, S. V. Mudra, O. G. Romanovs`ky, V. P. Sadkovyi and other scientists. We should pay attention to the works of A. Craft, R. Dicker, M. Garcia, A. Kelly, H. Mulrooney, B. Ruben and other foreign researchers. Despite the a sufficient level of scientific study of the problematics of the higher education quality, some areas of its positioning in the framework of scientific knowledge are still open to further scientific research. Paper objective. Basing on the results of the analysis of the students' point of view as for the level of manifestation of some of the determinants of the higher education quality phenomenon, to substantiate the ways to improve some of the mechanisms of public administration over providing of the higher education quality on both the University and state levels. Paper main body. As a tool for obtaining information from students about the level of the manifestation of individual determinants of the higher education quality, the survey method in the form of interviews and questionnaires was chosen. With the help of the interview method, the wording of the questionnaire questions was clarified, as well as the variants of possible variants of answers were determined. 585 respondents aged 18 to 35 years from Kharkiv, Poltava, Sumy, as well as controlled by Ukraine parts of Donetsk and Lugansk regions took part in the survey, out of which 43 people acted as interviewees, and 542 students as respondents in the questionnaire procedure. Due to the results of analysis obtained from the respondents of the questionnaires there were identified such a significance of the determinants of the higher education quality forming its final content: to be more competitive in the labour market – 30%; the ability to receive higher wages – 30%; the ability to ensure their positioning within a particular social group – 20%; the ability to obtain the full development of their personality –12%; the ability to understand the nature and content of the surrounding events – 8%. The held research revealed the students' concentration on the material and career components of the content of the higher education quality phenomenon, as well as on the gradual loss of significance (weight) in the so-called humanitarian determinants. So, we have to state the contradiction to the provided in the law of Ukraine "on higher education" content of the category of the higher education quality (theoretical aspect) with its real actualization in the system of value orientations of students (practical aspect). Conclusions of the research. Taking into account the results of the survey we can make such conclusions. First of all, we propose to strengthen the block of social and humanitarian disciplines, especially in the framework of teaching of natural Sciences and mathematics, technology, sports and profile with the aim to ensure the compliance of practical activities which holds University of Higher Education about giving real meaning to the phenomenon of higher education quality defined in regulatory documents of Ukraine to the standards. We also propose you to consider an opportunity to supplement the content of general competency standards for higher education, regardless of their industry sphere, regulations regarding the ability of the graduate to understand the content of social and humanitarian development of a social object. Moreover, we propose to change the content of the criteria for assessing the educational program quality with the help of focusing on the attention of competencies' importance not only for the professional activity of the future specialist, but also for the realisation of the citizen's rights and duties. Secondly, we propose to consider the possibility of government establishing free for access and qualitative in its content of massive online courses and the so-called open universities with the aim to compensate the loss society and the state gets from the objective process of reducing the number of Institutions of Higher Education and increasing the minimum amount (total) of test points of the External independent evaluation of a particular subject within the admission to an educational programme, as, nowadays, it is the vector regarding at the level of one of the possible ways to improve the quality of higher education. The creation of a network of relevant institutions will not only partially compensate for the inevitable reduction in the number of Universities of higher education lose state's human capital, but also create conditions for the full development of the individual outside the University. In addition, the use with the person of the opportunities allowing an individual development, which are offered online courses and open universities, on the one hand, can allow person to increase the level of their professional knowledge in the specialty, and on the other – actualizes the possibility of stratification transition from the one social group to another one without training in the traditional University of Higher Education.

The responsiveness of democratic institutions is a topic of fundamental importance to researchers, citizens, and decision-makers. The PolicyVotes project aimed to assemble a dataset that facilitates investigation of the responsiveness of political parties and governments to public preferences. The data collection efforts were motivated by the interest to allow researchers to examine, among many others, the following questions: Are governments responsive to citizen demands? Do we see policy changing in response to changing public preferences over time? Is a government's responsiveness to public demands more pronounced in some policy areas than in others and at some points in time than others? What is the mediating role of political institutions such as electoral systems, government types (coalition versus single-party) and executive-legislative structures? How does the degree of responsiveness of national governments compare to responsiveness of European institutions? What are the interdependencies of legislative decision-making between the national and the European level? Do national policies influence the development of European level public policies and vice versa?

The data collection we have assembled facilitates addressing these questions and others. It allows researchers to use large-N statistical methodologies to empirically test theoretical models of dynamic representation in a multilevel system of governance. It allows longitudinal comparative empirical analysis of the triangular relationship between preferences of the electorate, policy positions of parties and governments, and legislative outputs of national governments and the EU. With this data collection we are introducing efficiencies that enable researchers to examine how and under what circumstances responsiveness can be achieved in different institutional settings.

For individual-level data, we have harmonized Eurobarometers from 1970 to the 2011, the ISSP Role of Government surveys, and the EES voter Study. For measurements of party positions, we have harmonized and cross-linked the Chapel Hill Expert Survey, the Party Policy in Modern Democracies Dataset, the Comparative Manifesto Project data, and the EES Euromanifesto Study.
For the measurements of policy output we have collected and cross-linked data for legislative output and budget outlays of 15 EU governments and the European Union.

Please refer to the How-to-Guide and the user guides in the individual trendfile folders (see Downloads/Datasets) for detailed information and citation instructions. Following trendfiles and user guides are available:

- Arnold, Christine, Franklin, Mark, Wlezien, Christopher, Russo, Luana & Palacios, Irene (2023): PolicyVotes Database on Political Responsiveness. PolicyVotes Eurobarometer Trendfile. Data File Version 1.0.0, https://doi.org/10.7802/2618
- Arnold, Christine, Franklin, Mark, Wlezien, Christopher, Russo, Luana & Palacios, Irene (2023): PolicyVotes Database on Political Responsiveness. PolicyVotes Eurobarometer Trendfile User Guide. Version 1.0.0, https://doi.org/10.7802/2618
- Arnold, Christine, Franklin, Mark, Wlezien, Christopher, Sapir, Eliyahu & Williams, Christopher (2023): PolicyVotes Database on Political Responsiveness. PolicyVotes EES Voter Study Trendfile. Data File Version 1.0.0, https://doi.org/10.7802/2618
- Arnold, Christine, Franklin, Mark, Wlezien, Christopher, Sapir, Eliyahu & Williams, Christopher (2023): PolicyVotes Database on Political Responsiveness. PolicyVotes EES Voter Study Trendfile User Guide. Version 1.0.0, https://doi.org/10.7802/2618
- Arnold, Christine, Franklin, Mark, Wlezien, Christopher, Sapir, Eliyahu & Williams, Christopher (2023): PolicyVotes Database on Political Responsiveness. PolicyVotes ISSP Role of Government Trendfile. Data File Version 1.0.0, https://doi.org/10.7802/2618
- Arnold, Christine, Franklin, Mark, Wlezien, Christopher, Sapir, Eliyahu & Williams, Christopher (2023): PolicyVotes Database on Political Responsiveness. PolicyVotes ISSP Role of Government Trendfile User Guide. Version 1.0.0, https://doi.org/10.7802/2618
- Arnold, Christine, Franklin, Mark, Wlezien, Christopher, Sapir, Eliyahu & Williams, Christopher (2023): PolicyVotes Database on Political Responsiveness. PolicyVotes Party Positions Trendfile. Data File Version 1.0.0, https://doi.org/10.7802/2618
- Arnold, Christine, Franklin, Mark, Wlezien, Christopher, Sapir, Eliyahu & Williams, Christopher (2023): PolicyVotes Database on Political Responsiveness. PolicyVotes Party Positions Trendfile User Guide. Version 1.0.0, https://doi.org/10.7802/2618
- Arnold, Christine, Franklin, Mark, & Wlezien, Christopher (2023): PolicyVotes Database on Political Responsiveness. PolicyVotes National Budgets Trendfile. Data File Version 1.0.0, https://doi.org/10.7802/2618
- Arnold, Christine, Franklin, Mark, & Wlezien, Christopher (2023): PolicyVotes Database on Political Responsiveness. PolicyVotes National Budgets Trendfile User Guide. Version 1.0.0, https://doi.org/10.7802/2618
- Arnold, Christine, Franklin, Mark, & Wlezien, Christopher (2023): PolicyVotes Database on Political Responsiveness. PolicyVotes European Union Budget Trendfile. Data File Version 1.0.0, https://doi.org/10.7802/2618
- Arnold, Christine, Franklin, Mark, & Wlezien, Christopher (2023): PolicyVotes Database on Political Responsiveness. PolicyVotes European Union Budget Trendfile User Guide. Version 1.0.0, https://doi.org/10.7802/2618
- Arnold, Christine, Franklin, Mark, & Wlezien, Christopher (2023): PolicyVotes Database on Political Responsiveness. PolicyVotes European Union Legislation Trendfile. Data File Version 1.0.0, https://doi.org/10.7802/2618
- Arnold, Christine, Franklin, Mark, & Wlezien, Christopher (2023): PolicyVotes Database on Political Responsiveness. PolicyVotes European Union Legislation Trendfile User Guide. Version 1.0.0, https://doi.org/10.7802/2618
- Arnold, Christine, Franklin, Mark, Wlezien, Christopher, & Rahmani, Hossein (2023): PolicyVotes Database on Political Responsiveness. PolicyVotes National Legislation Trendfile. Data File Version 1.0.0, https://doi.org/10.7802/2618
- Arnold, Christine, Franklin, Mark, Wlezien, Christopher, & Rahmani, Hossein (2023): PolicyVotes Database on Political Responsiveness. PolicyVotes National Legislation Trendfile User Guide. Version 1.0.0, https://doi.org/10.7802/2618

In the Mesoamerican forest Selva Maya, multiple driving forces create an imbalance in the sensitive human-nature relation and demand for innovative management strategies for its re-establishment. Within the Guatemalan Maya Biosphere Reserve (MBR), core areas are under strict protective legislation and agricultural activity is permitted only within a bordering buffer zone (BZ), which covers great part of the Guatemalan department Petén. Here, the implementation of agroecological practices by multiple stakeholders aims at tackling the principle driving forces of environmental degradation and thus at reducing the pressure on Central America's largest tropical forest area. Since 2011, the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) has assisted local stakeholders by carrying out the project "Conservation and sustainable use of the Selva Maya". This project has offered technical support, cooperated with national institutions, and assisted multiple target groups to nudge agroecological transitions at the household and community level. As the establishment of agroecological systems face main obstacles stemming from the socio-ecological setting of the respective area, the following work presents a context specific analysis for the adaption of established strategies in the MBR BZ. Therefore, it raises the following research questions: What are the current properties of the socio-ecological system that describes the BZ? How has the GIZ's project nudged and guided agroecological transitions? Which factors have favored or limited the turn to agroecological farming? And finally: Which recommendations derive for the navigation of agroecological transitions? The overall research approach is orientated on the framework of ecosystem stewardship1 and incorporates elements of system theory and resilience science. The framework has been adapted by combining two approaches on different management levels. The social-ecological system approach2 is used to describe the socio-ecological system of the BZ, while the evaluation of the pilot groups' AESs follows the Mexican MESMIS3 approach for sustainability assessments. By the integration of both approaches, it is revealed that the socio-economic context impedes or hinders the implementation of agroecological strategies for the majority of farmers. The application of the MESMIS framework has revealed that the installed monitoring mechanism is dysfunctional. Findings further indicate that there is potential for transitions of individual AESs, but they demand investments and support with the current circumstances of reducing farmers' vulnerability. The rapidly decreasing social and environmental conditions for family farmers in the BZ are most likely not addressed by solutions that the agroecological approach tackles. Recommendations for the immediate improvement of the strategy include adjustments of the project's proceedings as well as fundamental changes in conservation paradigm and governance to maintain the necessary functionality of the socio-ecological system. ; Múltiples fuerzas conductoras desequilibran la sensible relación entre la naturaleza humana en la Selva Maya mesoamericana, exigiendo estrategias de gestión innovadoras. Dentro de la Reserva de la Biosfera Maya (RBM), las áreas principales están protegidas bajo una estricta legislación y la actividad agrícola es permitida dentro de los límites de la zona de amortiguación (ZAM) la cual cubre una gran parte del departamento guatemalteco de Petén, donde múltiples actores buscan enfrentar las principales fuerzas conductoras de la degradación ambiental y reducir la presión en el bosque tropical más grande de Centroamérica a través de la implementación de prácticas agroecológicas. Desde 2011, la cooperativa alemana GIZ ha apoyado a los actores locales a través dl proyecto "Protección y uso sostenible de la Selva Maya". No obstante, el establecimiento de sistemas agroecológicos enfrenta sus mayores obstáculos en su entorno socio-ecológico, por lo cual, el presente trabajo presenta un análisis contextual específico para la adaptación de las estrategias establecidas. Este trabajo responde las siguientes preguntas de investigación: ¿Cuáles son las propiedades actuales de un sistema socio-ecológico que describe la ZAM? ¿Cómo ha impulsado y guiado el proyecto de la GIZ las transiciones agroecológicas? ¿Qué factores han favorecido o limitado el giro hacia la agricultura agroecológica? Y finalmente: ¿Qué recomendaciones derivan para la implementación de las transiciones agroecológicas? La selección del método y la interpretación de los resultados están orientados en el marco de ecosystem stewardship Los conceptos presentados incorporan la teoría de sistemas y los principios de la resiliencia. El marco metodológico fue adaptado para evaluar la transición de los agroecosistemas mediante la combinación de dos enfoques en diferentes niveles de gestión. El enfoque del sistema socio-ecológico se utiliza para describir la ZAM, mientras que la evaluación de los agroecosistemas individuales es realizada a través del enfoque mexicano MESMIS. Mediante la contextualización, se revela que el entorno socioeconómico impide o dificulta la implementación de estrategias agroecológicas. Los resultados indican que existe potencial para las transiciones de agroecosistemas individuales, pero demandan inversiones y soluciones a corto plazo para reducir la vulnerabilidad de los agricultores. Las condiciones sociales y ambientales que están empeorando para los agricultores familiares en la ZAM probablemente no sean abordadas por soluciones que propone la propuesta agroecológica de la GIZ. Cambios fundamentales, reconsiderando ambos el paradigma y la estructure de la gobernanza se consideran necesarios para mantener la funcionalidad de la ZAM y proteger la Selva Maya.

На основі результатів аналізу розробленої Європейською Комісією стратегії «Надійна перспектива розширення та посилення співпраці ЄС з країнами Західних Балкан» досліджено роль обумовленості ЄС в процесі європейської інтеграції країн регіону. В стратегії чітко зазначено, що сьогодні у країн регіону відкрилось історичне «вікно можливостей», щоб твердо і однозначно пов'язати своє майбутнє з ЄС. ЄС вимагає від західнобалканських країн рішучих дій та термінового подвоєння зусиль щодо проведення життєво важливих реформ – особливо в сфері верховенства права, незалежності судової системи, основоположних прав людини та громадянина, належного врядування – для завершення своїх політичних, економічних та соціальних перетворень. Для забезпечення належної підтримки трансформаційних процесів в регіоні ЄС зобов'язується вдосконалювати політику розширення та інструменти передвступної допомоги. Стратегія визначає План дій із шістьма флагманськими ініціативами, спрямованими на конкретні сфери взаємного інтересу: верховенство права, безпека та міграція, соціально-економічний розвиток, комунікації, цифрові технології, примирення та добросусідські відносини. Встановлено, що обумовленість ЄС залишається рушійною силою європейської інтеграції країн Західних Балкан. В політиці розширення Європейська Комісія продовжує керуватись так званою моделлю зовнішнього стимулювання, поєднуючи у відносинах з країнами регіону певні винагороди і покарання. ; The Western Balkans European integration is in the EU's very own political, security and economic interest. The European Commission considers the countries of the region membership perspective as a geostrategic investment in a stable, strong and united Europe based on common values. It is also a powerful tool to promote democracy, the rule of law and the respect for fundamental rights. A credible accession perspective is the key driver of transformation in the region and thus enhances integration processes, security, prosperity and social well-being. It remains essential for fostering reconciliation and stability in the conflict-generating region.This article explores the role of the EU conditionality in the process of the Western Balkans countries European integration, based on the analysis of the European Commission's strategy «A credible enlargement perspective for and enhanced EU engagement with the Western Balkans». The strategy clearly states, that the countries of the region now have a historic window of opportunity to firmly and unequivocally bind their future to the EU. The EU requires the Western Balkans countries to act with determination and urgently redouble their efforts, address vital reforms – notably in the area of rule of law, independence of the judiciary and fundamental rights, good governance – and complete their political, economic and social transformation. For its part, the EU will be upgrading its enlargement policy and pre-accession instruments to better support the transformation process in the region. The Strategy sets out an Action Plan with six concrete flagship initiatives, targeting specific areas of common interest: rule of law, security and migration, socio-economic development, communications, digital agenda, reconciliation and good neighborly relations.It should be mentioned, that the Commission is not changing its enlargement policy regarding the Western Balkans: the process is and remains merit-based and each country will be assessed on its own achievements. As in the previous waves of EU's expansion towards the post-communist area in 2004 – 2013, the Union will assess the readiness of each candidate country based on its own achievements. The EU emphasizes, that there will be no further enlargement during the mandate of this Commission and in the present term of the European Parliament, but thereafter the European Union will be greater than 27 member states. Accession negotiations are already well underway with Montenegro and Serbia. The Commission is convinced that with strong political will, the delivery of real and sustained reforms, and definitive solutions to disputes with neighbors, the two countries could potentially be ready for membership in a 2025 perspective. It has been established, that the EU conditionality remains the driving force of the Western Balkans European integration. In its enlargement policy the European Commission continues to be guided by the so-called external incentives model, combining rewards and punishments in relations with the countries of the region. Obviously, for the Western Balkans countries the most severe punishment for the lack of progress in the reforms will be the loss of the membership perspective. ; На основе результатов анализа разработанной Европейской Комиссией стратегии «Надежная перспектива расширения и усиления сотрудничества ЕС со странами Западных Балкан» исследована роль обусловленности ЕС в процессе европейской интеграции стран региона. В стратегии четко отмечено, что сегодня у стран региона открылось историческое «окно возможностей», чтобы твердо и однозначно связать свое будущее с ЕС. ЕС требует от западнобалканских стран решительных действий и срочного удвоения усилий по проведению жизненно важных реформ – особенно в сфере верховенства права, независимости судебной системы, основных прав человека и гражданина, надлежащего управления – для завершения своих политических, экономических и социальных преобразований. Для обеспечения надлежащей поддержки трансформационных процессов в регионе ЕС обязуется совершенствовать политику расширения и инструменты подготовки ко вступлению. Стратегия определяет План действий с шестью флагманскими инициативами, направленными на конкретные сферы взаимного интереса: верховенство права, безопасность и миграция, социально-экономическое развитие, коммуникации, цифровые технологии, примирения и добрососедские отношения. Установлено, что обусловленность ЕС остается движущей силой европейской интеграции стран Западных Балкан. В политике расширения Европейская Комиссия продолжает руководствоваться так называемой моделью внешнего стимулирования, сочетая в отношениях со странами региона определенные вознаграждения и наказания.

[spa] A mediados de los 90 emerge un cuestionamiento del enfoque del ajuste estructural promovido por el Banco Mundial y el FMI en los países en desarrollo, especialmente en África, que lleva a estas instituciones a cambiar su discurso. Las preguntas que guían la investigación son (1) si estos cambios suponen un cuestionamiento real del enfoque del ajuste estructural, y (2) si estos cambios pueden modificar la inserción periférica de África en la economía mundial. El marco teórico del que se parte es el enfoque Centro-Periferia (CEPAL, Raúl Prebisch) y el análisis histórico-estructural. En el capítulo 2 se analizan las bases de dicha inserción periférica, teniendo en cuenta las estructuras económicas africanas, los intentos de cambio estructural más relevante, y la economía política del ajuste estructural, promovido por el Banco Mundial y el FMI a partir de los años 80. En el capítulo 3 se analizan los contenidos de los giros teóricos que se observan en estas instituciones, en particular la conceptualización de la pobreza, la extensión del concepto de buena gobernanza, y el alcance de las condicionalidades tradicionalmente asociadas a sus créditos. Una constatación relevante es que el discurso de las instituciones de Bretton Woods progresivamente va convergiendo con el del resto de actores del sistema de cooperación internacional al desarrollo. La expresión de esta convergencia viene a ser el establecimiento de los Objetivos de Desarrollo del Milenio. En el capítulo 4 se analizan con detalle los cambios en la instrumentación de sus estrategias, destacando las políticas de reducción de la deuda multilateral (Iniciativa HIPC), y las estrategias de reducción de la pobreza (Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers, PRSP), constatándose que a pesar del cambio de discurso, los ejes centrales de las políticas del ajuste estructural (privatización, desregulación y apertura), continúan presentes en estos instrumentos. El análisis es relevante en la medida en que la mayoría de países africanos se encuentran inmersos en estas estrategias de reduccion de la deuda, y elaboración e implementación de un PRSP. En el capítulo 5 se analiza la aplicación de esta nueva conceptualización e instrumentación en el Chad, donde desde el año 2001 se está reduciendo deuda multilateral, y desde el año 2003 está en marcha un PRSP. A ello hay que añadir el inicio de la explotación de petróleo en el país desde octubre de 2003, que supone una importante renta petrolera para el gobierno. Estos tres elementos configuran lo que hemos denominado "modelo chadiano de reducción de la pobreza". El trabajo de campo y el estudio de caso determinan que no hay un cuestionamiento relevante del enfoque del ajuste estructural. Como conclusión, se confirma que el giro discursivo y el cambio en la instrumentación de las estrategias del Banco Mundial y el FMI en África no suponen un cuestionamiento del enfoque tradicional del ajuste estructural. Ello también tiene como consecuencia que el modelo periférico de inserción de África en la economía mundial no se verá cuestionado por las estrategias de estas instituciones. ; [eng] In the mid-90s a raising criticism emerged questioning the structural adjustment approach promoted by the World Bank and IMF in developing countries, especially in Africa. This lead these institutions to change their discourse. The questions guiding the research are (1) whether these changes constitute a real challenge of structural adjustment approach, and (2) whether these changes can modify the peripheral insertion of Africa into the world economy. Chapter 2 explores the foundations of this peripherical insertion, taking into account the African economic structures and the political economy of structural adjustment promoted by the World Bank and IMF from the 80s. Chapter 3 discusses the theoretical content of the drawings seen in these institutions, particularly the conceptualization of poverty, the extension of the concept of good governance, and the scope of conditionalities traditionally associated with their loans. Chapter 4 discusses in detail the changes in implementing their strategies, highlighting policies of multilateral debt relief (HIPC), and strategies for poverty reduction (Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers, PRSP), noting that despite the change of address, the central axes of structural adjustment policies (privatization, deregulation and opening) are still present in these instruments. Chapter 5 discusses the application of this new conceptualization and implementation in Chad, where since 2001, multilateral debt is being reduced, and since 2003 there is an ongoing PRSP. To this must be added the start of oil exploitation in the country since October 2003, meaning a significant rent for the government. These three elements form what we called "Chadian model of poverty reduction. Fieldwork and case study determined that there is no significant questioning of the structural adjustment approach. In conclusion, it is confirmed that the discursive shift and change in the implementation of the strategies of the World Bank and IMF in Africa does not pose a challenge to the traditional approach of structural adjustment. This also has the consequence that the peripheral model of integration of Africa into the global economy will not be questioned by the strategies of these institutions.

El gobierno noruego firmó un acuerdo con Juan Manuel Santos, ex presidente de Colombia, para otorgarle a este país USD $48 millones anuales para reducir la deforestación. Este acuerdo forma parte de un esfuerzo mayor de Noruega para apoyar a los países del sur que busca detener el cambio climático, a través de la Iniciativa Internacional de Clima y Bosques de Noruega (NICFI, por sus siglas en inglés: Norwegian International Climate and Forest Initiative) instituida después del Acuerdo de París en 2015. La manera en que se han implementado los esfuerzos para reducir la deforestación ha sido recibida con críticas. Por ejemplo, Colombia ratificó el Acuerdo de París para llegar a deforestación neta cero en 2020. No obstante, en 2016 la deforestación en la selva amazónica aumentó en un 44%. Mientras Noruega, a través de esta inversión en el bosque, parece ser un país preocupado por el clima, también continúa realizando extracción de petróleo. Noruega, por lo tanto, exhibe estándares dobles ya que apunta a mantener su posición como un importante productor de extracción de petróleo y gas en alta mar, al tiempo que impulsa el problema del cambio climático a los países del sur. De esta manera, Noruega parece cumplir con los requisitos del Acuerdo de París para la reducción de las emisiones de CO2. Este artículo examina los éxitos y fracasos de los esfuerzos noruegos de protección de los bosques tropicales en el caso de Colombia, evaluando la gobernanza de las políticas de deforestación desde la perspectiva de la criminología verde del sur, e incorporando una crítica a los medios neocolonialistas de protección ambiental establecidos por el norte. ; The Norwegian government has made an agreement with Juan Manuel Santos, the former Colombian president, to give Colombia USD $48 million yearly in order to reduce deforestation. This forms part of a greater support effort by Norway to countries in the South to halt climate change, through the Norwegian International Climate and Forest Initiative (NICFI) instituted after the Paris Agreement in 2015. The way in which efforts to reduce deforestation have been implemented has, however, been met with criticism. For instance, Colombia ratified the Paris Agreement to reach zero net deforestation by -2020. Nonetheless, in 2016, deforestation in the Amazon rainforest increased by 44%. While Norway, through this investment in the forest, gives the appearance of being a climate concerned country, it also continues oil extraction. Norway thus exhibits double standards as it aims to maintain its position as an important producer of offshore oil and gas extraction, while pushing the problem of climate change onto the countries in the South. In this way, Norway is able to comply with the Paris Agreement requirements for reduction of CO2 emissions. This article examines the successes and failures of the Norwegian rainforest protection efforts in the case of Colombia, assessing the governance of the deforestation policies from the perspective of green Southern criminology and incorporating a critique of the neo-colonialist means of environmental protection established by the North. ; El gobierno noruego firmó un acuerdo con Juan Manuel Santos, ex presidente de Colombia, para otorgarle a este país USD $48 millones anuales para reducir la deforestación. Este acuerdo forma parte de un esfuerzo mayor de Noruega para apoyar a los países del sur que busca detener el cambio climático, a través de la Iniciativa Internacional de Clima y Bosques de Noruega (NICFI, por sus siglas en inglés: Norwegian International Climate and Forest Initiative) instituida después del Acuerdo de París en 2015. La manera en que se han implementado los esfuerzos para reducir la deforestación ha sido recibida con críticas. Por ejemplo, Colombia ratificó el Acuerdo de París para llegar a deforestación neta cero en 2020. No obstante, en 2016 la deforestación en la selva amazónica aumentó en un 44%. Mientras Noruega, a través de esta inversión en el bosque, parece ser un país preocupado por el clima, también continúa realizando extracción de petróleo. Noruega, por lo tanto, exhibe estándares dobles ya que apunta a mantener su posición como un importante productor de extracción de petróleo y gas en alta mar, al tiempo que impulsa el problema del cambio climático a los países del sur. De esta manera, Noruega parece cumplir con los requisitos del Acuerdo de París para la reducción de las emisiones de CO2. Este artículo examina los éxitos y fracasos de los esfuerzos noruegos de protección de los bosques tropicales en el caso de Colombia, evaluando la gobernanza de las políticas de deforestación desde la perspectiva de la criminología verde del sur, e incorporando una crítica a los medios neocolonialistas de protección ambiental establecidos por el norte.

于一个国家而言,民众抗争不仅是一个政府治理和治安问题,也是一个战略沟通问题。本研究即选取社会沟通的视角研究当代中国的社会抗争,旨在了解当代中国逐渐开放的抗争话语的演变、产生条件及其深刻意义。 ; 于定量与定性相结合的研究方法,本文分析了1990至2010年间中国政治社会精英关于民众抗争的话语。研究发现在抗争数量和规模不断增长的同时,抗争的话语环境发生了显著变化并向日趋宽松的方向发展。中国的政治领导人正逐步正视民众抗争,官方话语也开始同情抗争者。从对抗争的报道来看,以往严密的媒体审查制度逐渐放宽,重大事件的详细报道得以频见于报端。与此同时,越来越多的人士加入到抗争的公开讨论中,社会抗争成为激烈的社会争论的焦点。 ; 于以上分析,本文认为政治领导人的话语转变可以被理解为执政当局在一党执政和官民矛盾日益激化的特定条件下为促进政策实施和维持政权合法性而采取的手段,知识分子越来越直言不讳地提出批评意见则源于"话语机会结构的扩展。结合这些见解与已有文献表明,当代中国公民抗争和公共话语似乎彼此促进,形成了一个自我强化的循环。 ; 研究意义而言,本研究首先探讨了"话语机会这一概念的价值及其局限性,继而指出民众抗争,精英话语和政权演变之间存在重要的联系。本文发现,只要能够触动社会精英阶层并激起他们的回应,即使是非持续性的,非跨区域性的公民抗争也会带来抗争政治参与空间隐性但却显著的扩展,以及政治话语实践的转变。因此,虽然抗争者没有直接挑战共产党政权,但他们的行动已经从某种程度上促进了中国的政权演变。 ; For the state, popular protest is not merely a problem of governance and policing, but also an issue of strategic communication. Investigating protest in contemporary China from a communicative and elite-centered perspective, this dissertation shows that in parallel to the constantly growing number and scale of protests, the communicative environment of citizen resistance over the last two decades was significantly transformed and liberalized. Based on a mixed quantitative and qualitative analysis of political discourse between 1990 and 2010, the study seeks to understand the evolution, conditions, and significance of this widening discursive opening. ; The research reveals that the Chinese political leadership gradually addressed the problem of popular protest in the open and shifted its discourse towards more protester-sympathizing assessments. Moreover, tight censorship was gradually lifted and detailed accounts of major protest events emerged in the news media. In parallel to these developments, the topic became accessible to a growing circle of speakers and eventually emerged at the center of a lively and increasingly critical public debate. ; Based on this assessment, the present study argues that the political leadership's discourse can be rendered intelligible as a policy endeavor and a regime-legitimating instrument under the particular conditions of one-party ...

Our thesis discusses the process and consequences of the attribution, by the State, of a national label to five regional opera houses in France between 1996 and 2006. Through this event, we look closely at the current changes in the opera house as an organization which has traditionally been under municipal governance and is with this label repositioned under a governing body which includes the Region and the central State and its demands for greater visibility. Our objective is to understand the strategic renewal of opera houses outside Paris in a centralized political system where the State is said to guaranty cultural access and artistic quality. We do so by using the attribution of the national label as a marker and as a device that participates in the instrumentation of opera houses in a restricted market and a changing normative frame within which opera houses are brought to secure their own continuity. With a brief overlook at how opera houses have been transformed into a venue meant to entertain citizens and magnify cities, we give the reader an understanding of opera houses as conventional and regimented organizations forever bond to politics and the market. The particular organization of an opera house in France, the reasons behind the choices made and the applied methodology are then presented. Our inductive and multidisciplinary approach, supported by the critical posture adopted, leads us to the elaboration of a study where undetermined connections and human beings evolve within moderate constructivist ontology. We then suggest that the label, which gives rise to a perpetual strategic "remplissement" (Foucault), is inevitably remobilized to manage the side effects brought by its very existence. Power and legitimacy occupy in this dynamic a central place that we exemplify and discuss thoroughly. Our research presents an original way to understand the recent transformation of the French regional operas houses as expressed, and apprehended, by the attribution by the ministry of Culture and Communication of a "quality" label that enables them to gradually enter the growing mediated spheres already endorsed by cultural industries. ; Cette thèse concerne la labellisation de cinq opéras de région, en France, entre 1996 et 2006 : l'Opéra National de Lorraine, l'Opéra National de Montpellier, l'Opéra National de Lyon, l'Opéra National de Bordeaux, et l'Opéra National du Rhin. L'étude porte sur une forme qui englobe obligatoirement d'autres formes artistiques quasi autonomes et professionnalisées (orchestre, ballet, choeur) et sur les changements en cours dans l'économie de ces organisations traditionnellement sous tutelle municipale repositionnées au coeur d'une gouvernance multiscalaire et mises au défi de faire croître leur visibilité et celle de leur activité. Nous nous intéressons dans ce cadre à ce sur quoi reposent les stratégies de renouvellement développées par ces organisations culturelles, sédimentées et conventionnelles, prises entre le politique et le marché, dans un cadre particulier à la France où l'État se reconnaît comme garant de la qualité. Pour conduire l'étude, nous utilisons la labellisation comme marqueur de ces changements et comme dispositif participant à l'instrumentation de ces opéras dans un marché restreint. Ce qui se voit, c'est une ouverture organisée, selon un mode de fonctionnement par projets et selon un mode de diversification réfléchie de leur activité à un niveau de complexité jamais égalé, sous la pression de l'envahissement de la sphère culturelle par les logiques marchandes et médiatiques. Cette instrumentation est réalisée par le déploiement de dispositifs de jugement dans une économie des singularités dans laquelle le théâtre d'opéra est amené à chercher lui-même à asseoir sa continuité. Sont discutées les stratégies développées quant à l'incertitude inhérente à la création artistique et à la dépendance financière et les effets du dispositif opéra national qui donne lieu à un « remplissement » stratégique perpétuel (Michel Foucault), du fait de la remobilisation du dispositif dans la gestion des effets secondaires qu'il a lui-même induit, et dans la dynamique duquel le pouvoir, la visibilité et la légitimité occupent une place centrale. Notre démarche inductive et pluridisciplinaire et la posture critique adoptée conduisent à l'élaboration d'une étude donnant une grande place à l'indétermination des rapports et des humains, dans une ontologie constructiviste modérée. Le sujet singulier qu'est l'organisation d'un théâtre d'opéra en France, les raisons de ces choix et la méthodologie appliquée sont présentés pour éclairer le lecteur dans sa rencontre avec un milieu d'ordinaire fermé. Enfin, la conclusion retrace certains liens et pointe des aspects à creuser dans une recherche ultérieure afin de comprendre ce que donne à voir, sur le présent et l'avenir des Opéras de région en France, l'attribution par le ministère de la Culture et de la Communication d'un label de « qualité ».

Our thesis discusses the process and consequences of the attribution, by the State, of a national label to five regional opera houses in France between 1996 and 2006. Through this event, we look closely at the current changes in the opera house as an organization which has traditionally been under municipal governance and is with this label repositioned under a governing body which includes the Region and the central State and its demands for greater visibility. Our objective is to understand the strategic renewal of opera houses outside Paris in a centralized political system where the State is said to guaranty cultural access and artistic quality. We do so by using the attribution of the national label as a marker and as a device that participates in the instrumentation of opera houses in a restricted market and a changing normative frame within which opera houses are brought to secure their own continuity. With a brief overlook at how opera houses have been transformed into a venue meant to entertain citizens and magnify cities, we give the reader an understanding of opera houses as conventional and regimented organizations forever bond to politics and the market. The particular organization of an opera house in France, the reasons behind the choices made and the applied methodology are then presented. Our inductive and multidisciplinary approach, supported by the critical posture adopted, leads us to the elaboration of a study where undetermined connections and human beings evolve within moderate constructivist ontology. We then suggest that the label, which gives rise to a perpetual strategic "remplissement" (Foucault), is inevitably remobilized to manage the side effects brought by its very existence. Power and legitimacy occupy in this dynamic a central place that we exemplify and discuss thoroughly. Our research presents an original way to understand the recent transformation of the French regional operas houses as expressed, and apprehended, by the attribution by the ministry of Culture and Communication of a "quality" label that enables them to gradually enter the growing mediated spheres already endorsed by cultural industries. ; Cette thèse concerne la labellisation de cinq opéras de région, en France, entre 1996 et 2006 : l'Opéra National de Lorraine, l'Opéra National de Montpellier, l'Opéra National de Lyon, l'Opéra National de Bordeaux, et l'Opéra National du Rhin. L'étude porte sur une forme qui englobe obligatoirement d'autres formes artistiques quasi autonomes et professionnalisées (orchestre, ballet, choeur) et sur les changements en cours dans l'économie de ces organisations traditionnellement sous tutelle municipale repositionnées au coeur d'une gouvernance multiscalaire et mises au défi de faire croître leur visibilité et celle de leur activité. Nous nous intéressons dans ce cadre à ce sur quoi reposent les stratégies de renouvellement développées par ces organisations culturelles, sédimentées et conventionnelles, prises entre le politique et le marché, dans un cadre particulier à la France où l'État se reconnaît comme garant de la qualité. Pour conduire l'étude, nous utilisons la labellisation comme marqueur de ces changements et comme dispositif participant à l'instrumentation de ces opéras dans un marché restreint. Ce qui se voit, c'est une ouverture organisée, selon un mode de fonctionnement par projets et selon un mode de diversification réfléchie de leur activité à un niveau de complexité jamais égalé, sous la pression de l'envahissement de la sphère culturelle par les logiques marchandes et médiatiques. Cette instrumentation est réalisée par le déploiement de dispositifs de jugement dans une économie des singularités dans laquelle le théâtre d'opéra est amené à chercher lui-même à asseoir sa continuité. Sont discutées les stratégies développées quant à l'incertitude inhérente à la création artistique et à la dépendance financière et les effets du dispositif opéra national qui donne lieu à un « remplissement » stratégique perpétuel (Michel Foucault), du fait de la remobilisation du dispositif dans la gestion des effets secondaires qu'il a lui-même induit, et dans la dynamique duquel le pouvoir, la visibilité et la légitimité occupent une place centrale. Notre démarche inductive et pluridisciplinaire et la posture critique adoptée conduisent à l'élaboration d'une étude donnant une grande place à l'indétermination des rapports et des humains, dans une ontologie constructiviste modérée. Le sujet singulier qu'est l'organisation d'un théâtre d'opéra en France, les raisons de ces choix et la méthodologie appliquée sont présentés pour éclairer le lecteur dans sa rencontre avec un milieu d'ordinaire fermé. Enfin, la conclusion retrace certains liens et pointe des aspects à creuser dans une recherche ultérieure afin de comprendre ce que donne à voir, sur le présent et l'avenir des Opéras de région en France, l'attribution par le ministère de la Culture et de la Communication d'un label de « qualité ».

У статті розглянуто особливості розробки та реалізації освітньої політики в контексті реформи децентралізації в Україні. Головна мета статті – визначити основні напрями й труднощі розробки та реалізації освітньої політики в контексті реформи децентралізації в Україні. Цілями дослідження є узагальнення даних досліджуваної проблеми та виокремлення специфіки освітніх змін. Методологічним підґрунтям дослідження освітньої політики стали загальнонаукові методи емпіричного й теоретичного узагальнення, індукції й синтезу, методи порівняльного і правового аналізу. Так, зокрема, методи емпіричного й теоретичного узагальнення використано при з'ясуванні умов, специфіки та проблем проведення реформи децентралізації в Україні; дедукції та індукції, аналізу та синтезу – для виявлення системних проблем у сфері освіти. Результатом дослідження є теоретичне осмислення нормативно-правової бази з виокремленням проблемних моментів функціонування децентралізованої системи освіти в Україні. Визначено, що головним трендом сучасної освітньої політики є комерціалізація усіх аспектів навчання і виховання, який суттєво делегітимізує принцип рівного доступу до якісної освіти, що, в свою чергу, актуалізує пошук адекватних відповідей світового та національного освітніх просторів головними стейкхолдерами – державою, комерційними структурами та громадянським суспільством. Зроблено висновок, що громада і держава повинні спільно вирішувати питання створення стратегічних засад реформування освітнього процесу, контролю його якості, посилення соціального захисту всіх учасників, розширення мережі закладів освіти, підготовки та підвищення кваліфікації педагогічних та науково-педагогічних працівників, розробки систем мотивації праці. Особливу увагу звернуто на перспективи впровадження в життя концепції «Нової української школи» та створення мережі опорних шкіл ; В статье рассмотрены особенности разработки и реализации образовательной политики в контексте реформы деценнтрализации в Украине. Главная цель статьи – определить основные направления и трудности разработки и реализации образовательной политики в контексте деценрализации в Украине. Целями исследования есть обобщение данных исследуемой проблемы и выделение специфики образовательных изменений. Методологической основой исследования образовательной политики выступают общенаучные методы эмпирического и теоретического обобщения, индукции и синтеза, методы сравнительного и правового анализа. Так, в частности, методы эмпирического и теоретического обобщения использовано при определении условий, специфики и проблем проведения реформы децентрализации в Украине; дедукции и индукции, анализа и синтеза – для выявления системных проблем в сфере образования. Результатом исследования есть теоретическое осмысление нормативно-правовой базы с выделением проблемных моментов функционирования децентрализированной системы образования в Украине. Определено, что главным трендом современной образовательной политики есть коммерциализация всех аспектов обучения и воспитания, который существенно делегитимизирует принцип равного доступа к качественному образованию, что, в свою очередь, актуализирует поиск адекватных овтетов мирового и национального образовательных пространств главными стейкхолдерами – государством, коммерческими стурктурами и гражданским обществом. Сделан вывод, что сообщества и государство должны сообща решать вопросы создания стратегических основ реформирования образовательного пространства, контроля его качества, усиления социальной защиты всех участников, расширения сети учреждений образования, подготовки и повышения квалификации педагогических и научно-педагогических работников, разработки систем мотивации труда. Особенное внимание обращено на перспективы внедрения в жизнь концепции «Новой украинской школы» и создания сетей базовых школ ; The article deals with the peculiarities of the development and implementation of educational policy in the context of the decentralization reform in Ukraine. The main purpose of the article is to identify the main directions and difficulties of the development and implementation of educational policy in the context of the decentralization reform in Ukraine. The objectives of the article are to summarize the data of the problem under study and to distinguish the specifics of educational changes. The methodological basis for the study of educational policy includes general scientific methods of empirical and theoretical generalization, induction and synthesis, methods of comparative and legal analysis. Thus, the methods of empirical and theoretical generalization, in particular, are used to clarify the conditions, specifics and problems of the decentralization reform in Ukraine; deduction and induction, analysis and synthesis help to identify systemic problems in education. The result of the analysis is a theoretical understanding of the regulatory framework with the isolation of the problem points of the functioning of a decentralized educational system in Ukraine. It is determined that the main trend of modern educational policy is the commercialization of all aspects of education and training, which essentially delegitimizes the principle of equal access to quality education, which, in its turn, intensifies the search for adequate responses of the world and national educational spaces by the main stakeholders i.e. the state, commercial structures and civil society. Conclusion. It is concluded that the community and the state should jointly decide on the creation of strategic principles for reforming the educational process, monitoring its quality, strengthening the social protection of all participants, expanding the network of educational institutions, training and improving the skills of pedagogical and academic staff, and developing systems of labor motivation. The decentralized system of education functions through cooperation and coordination of the activities of many independent institutions, each of which has a legally defined scope of autonomy. Decentralization involves the creation of a governance system that, instead of vertical subordination, is based on the cooperation of independent institutions of different levels, governed by the provisions of the law. In Ukraine, this means that united communities, districts and regions will have autonomous, democratically elected bodies of local self-government, whose councils and executive bodies will act in accordance with the expectations of the local people who elected them. The autonomy of local authorities must be enshrined and guaranteed by law, and must be carefully defended by all stakeholders, including associations of local selfgovernment bodies. Particular attention is paid to the perspectives of implementing the concept of «New Ukrainian School» and the establishment of a network of reference schools. The components of the model of the «New Ukrainian School» should become a strategic basis for the development of a system of education in the united communities, which will cover not only the educational process but also the management of the entire educational network of the community as a whole (including the development and implementation of a plan for optimizing school networks)

Today, many economists want a better understanding of the impact of economic institutions on the economic processes. It therefore pays to know how economic institutions evolve, particularly in case the evolution is a spontaneous one. Besides building models on rational decision making it appears worthwhile to study how an 'organic' institutional evolution operates in the real world. The conditions for such a study were provided by medieval Frisia, a country without a central government during most of the time in nine centuries and yet one of the most prosperous and earliest monetised areas of its time. The evolution of its money of account system could be seen as the evolution of an economic institution that was almost entirely the unintended result of freely interacting market forces. The foregoing sections of this article have been focussed on the first rule of a medieval money of account system: what standard coin would be mutually recognised as the basis for the unit of account? We found that this problem occurred only five times in the nine centuries covered, resulting in a current money standard being replaced by another. Once this was politically enforced (the introduction of the Carolingian system by Charlemagne, in 793/794) but it was doubted whether this reform took really grounds; at least in Frisia Ulterior the Carolingian system was 'illegally' reduced to the bi-metallic system valid before the reform of Charlemagne as it seems. In the other four cases the change was of the kind that we are looking for. The 10th century transition was in fact the tacit reduction of the extant bi-metallic system to a silver standard based system after the gold base had gone out of use (the replacement of the Carolingian system by the 'old-Frisian' system, in the 10th century). The other three cases demonstrate, that shortcomings of a current system were met by incorporating new elements in the system of account (as an 'adaptive compromise'), which in some cases gradually grew into a new standard when becoming appreciated as preferable to the old standard. So we found 'sceattas' ousting solidi, in around 700; sterlings ousting 'old-Frisian' money, in the 13th century; 'new-Frisian' money ousting sterlings, in the 14th century. These three instances are to be considered as the 'organic' ones, characterised by path-dependence. They represent clear examples of the mechanism of institutional evolution. Because of the inherent limitation of an article, the other rules of the medieval Frisian money of account system remained under-exposed. Yet the second rule, mentioned above (p.), deserves attention. It rules as to what face value the standard coin was to be accepted. This rule too, was not ordered top-down – except in some very few cases which were not successful mostly – but was determined by the market that is, by the social response to the inevitable 'normal decrease'. However, this decrease was usually regular and slow: to c.0.3g of silver a century on the average. Because of the slow effect of these forces, the value decreased so little from generation to generation, that this itself would hardly have been felt in everyday life. But although the decrease was small in absolute figures, the percentage decrease was accelerating to the extent the coins became lighter and thus caused a growing upward pressure on prices. Therefore, during the process, its influence on the prices would have grown stronger; this is demonstrated particularly clearly in the 13th century. Taking this into account, the surprising discovery of the study is that the value of the money standard in medieval Frisia evolved rather orderly and, on the whole, rendered a slow and rather equable decline of the silver equivalence of the unit of account. It demonstrates a quiet acceptance of a phenomenon, that was apparently inevitable. But it also demonstrates the social tenacity of an ingrained custom, because the adaptations – as far as we can be sure about this with the scarcity of data – occurred often after the decrease in silver equivalence of the current standard coins had become almost general. This would imply the existence of trust in the social acceptance of the current face value of the standard coins to a certain degree, comparable with our trust nowadays in fiduciary money. Moreover, trust in the reliability of the private minters might have been stronger than trust in the royal minthouses operated by lords with selfish political motives. The experience in the 14th century with the lords of Coevorden, by then owners of the mint in Groningen, compared with the anonymous minters elsewhere in Frisia, seems to illustrate this. Taken together, it is surprising to find so stable a development of the money of account system in a country without central government, continually exposed to external threat and internal strife. No doubt the local economy must have suffered from the destruction caused by these conflicts, but floods or cattle-plague probably had an even more destabilising effect on production and commerce. To find nevertheless so balanced an evolution of an economic institution, not directed by intelligible governance but by a market controlled currency, for me, was quite unexpected. As I view it, this could only be attained under condition of social trust based on cultural experience; trust among the participants of the Frisian markets that 'the others' will behave accordingly in the current money system. This insight, not derived from a theory of rational decision making but from the understanding of a real world history, might contribute a little to the body of knowledge in economics, a science that nowadays is urged to face the problems of a global economy with a lack of proper economic institutions.

Problem setting. Having signed the agreement on association with the EU, Ukraine became the participant of European integration process, demanding standardization of acts in all fields of activity, and direct transportation of goods through border demands adaptation of the current legislation to the European norms. Legal, economic and organizational fundamentals of customs affairs are defined in the Constitution and laws of Ukraine, regulations of the President of Ukraine, the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, acts of the Public customs service and other central executive authorities. The customs service first of all is urged to realize the functions in the field of ensuring integrity and inviolability of borders of the Ukrainian state.Recent research and publications analysis. Problems of customs control, adaptation of the current legislation and European integration processes are devoted to the works of domestic and foreign scholars such as I. Berezhniuk, M. Bilukha, O. Vakulchyk, A. Vdovychenko, L. Voronina, Yu. Gupanova, Yu. Diomin, A. Yershov, P. Kohut, O. Krasivskyi, A. Krisovatyi, V. Martyniuk, T. Mykytenko, P. Pashko, I. Spiva, I. Shkuratov and others. At the same time, scientific research is devoted to the unification, adaptation and harmonization of the current legislation to the requirements of European and world communities, because the effectiveness of customs control, ensuring foreign economic security in the state will depend on how reliable and deep scientific conclusions will be. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Whereas, the questions of legal support is one of the topical issues in the course of interaction of Ukraine and developed countries in all spheres, by means of analysis of existing legislation, admissible clarifications and harmonization it is possible to improve the interaction and increase the efficiency of not only cooperation but also budget filling.Paper main body. The international legal framework for cooperation between Ukraine and the European Union originates from 1991, when the Dutch Foreign Minister, presiding at that time in the European Union, officially recognized the independence of the Ukrainian state. Since then, the Ukrainian side has been able to claim an objective and mutually beneficial cooperation with the countries of the European Union, being a full member of such relationships.Considered the customs affairs in the conditions of economic development of Ukraine, which becomes of particular importance, since the state seeks to expand foreign economic relations and realize their Euro-integration aspirations. The basis of customs relations are statutory and regulatory acts regulating issues related to customs affairs. The legislative framework defines the basic principles of the implementation of the national policy in the field of customs relations in the direction of forming the conditions for the development of foreign economic activity of Ukraine and ensuring the rights and freedoms of the participants in relations in this field. The basic principles of the customs policy of Ukraine are determined by the Verkhovna Rada.Under current conditions, the legislation of Ukraine is formed by such basic statutory and regulatory acts as the Constitution of Ukraine, the Customs Code, laws and subordinate documents, which regulate customs relations between subjects, as well as international treaties, the agreement on implementation of which on the territory of Ukraine provided by the Ukrainian parliament. Separately it is worth mentioning the norms of the Customs Code, which states that "when carrying out customs control and customs clearance of goods, vehicles of commercial purpose, which are transported across the customs border of Ukraine, are applied only the norms of laws of Ukraine and other statutory and regulatory acts on questions of the state customs affairs, effective on the day of acceptance of the customs declaration by the body of incomes and fees of Ukraine".In the event that a situation arises in the field of customs relations, which requires ambiguous interpretation, the Customs Code of Ukraine determines that "in case if the norms of laws of Ukraine or other statutory and regulatory acts on questions of the state customs affairs permit ambiguous (plural) interpretation of the rights and obligations of enterprises and citizens moving goods, vehicles of commercial purpose across the customs border of Ukraine or carry out transactions with goods, which are under the customs control, or interpretation of the rights and obligations of officials the bodies of incomes and fees, as a result of which there is the possibility of making a decision both in favor of such enterprises and citizens, and in favor of the bodies of incomes and fees, decisions must be made in favor of these enterprises and citizens".It was investigated that customs policy in Ukraine is carried out within the framework of strict customs control, which is carried out by the customs authorities, observing procedures and order for carrying out the relevant operations specified in the legislation. Goods, valuables, vehicles, currency, things and other resources that are transported across the customs border are subject to customs control and customs clearance. Customs control is carried out in accordance with the tasks of customs policy, which is carried out in Ukraine.It is substantiated that in order to increase the efficiency of customs control it is necessary that the customs authorities carry out the minimum of procedures necessary for the implementation of customs legislation. Correspondence of procedures and their order is determined by the Customs Code of Ukraine and other legislation acts in this area.In addition to the above-mentioned legislative acts, it is necessary to mention the specialized laws that determine the import duty rates for certain types of goods, regulatory documents on anti-dumping, special and compensatory duties. The Tax Code of Ukraine plays a significant role in the customs sphere, the norms of the Tax Code of Ukraine determine the procedure for taxing the value added tax and the excise tax on imported goods and services.Consequently, the customs policy of Ukraine has the proper legal regulation in the normative documents and a clear orientation to the regulation of customs relations in accordance with generally accepted standards. However, in the direction of implementing the Euro-integration aspirations of Ukraine, our state needs to strengthen customs control in order to ensure the protectionist policy of the Ukrainian state and the compliance of customs operations with the common European values and the widespread practice of customs relations in the European Union.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Consequently, the customs policy of Ukraine has the proper legal regulation in the normative documents and a clear orientation to the regulation of customs relations in accordance with generally accepted standards. However, in the direction of implementing the European integration aspirations of Ukraine, our state needs to strengthen customs control in order to ensure the protectionist policy of the Ukrainian state and the compliance of customs operations with the common European values and the widespread practice of customs relations in the European Union. ; Досліджено теоретичні засади здійснення митного контролю та його правового забезпечення. Здійснено аналіз чинного законодавства, виокремлено основні елементи, які взаємодіють у системі митного контролю. Розкрито сутність та особливості митного контролю при здійсненні зовнішньоекономічної діяльності в умовах формування новітньої ідеології його здійснення в контексті євроінтеграції.