Suchergebnisse

Surveys restrictions of rights of nongovernmental organizations around the world, analyzes US freedom of association law from the perspective of domestic human rights NGOs, and offers a method for improving their association rights in order to support NGOs abroad.

This article will discuss the historical development of the diminished capacity defense and analyze its current conceptual structure and use in Washington. It will then analyze the most recently proposed bill attacking the diminished capacity defense in this state, Substitute House Bill No. 1179. Should this legislation (or some variation thereof) be enacted in future sessions, the Washington Supreme Court will undoubtedly be forced to review powerful constitutional challenges to the validity of convictions obtained under the new law. At the very least, the court will have to determine whether the diminished capacity defense is constitutionally required. The court will also have to decide whether it should be characterized as a means of negating the mental state of the crime charged or as an affirmative defense. This decision will determine whether the evidentiary burdens of production and persuasion should rest with the defendant or with the State. Finally, the court will have to ascertain whether compulsory commitment of an acquitted defendant following use of a special verdict is constitutional. This article will analyze the fundamental alterations which S.H.B. 1179 proposes in light of Washington case law, federal constitutional requirements, and emerging trends in legislative reform. Finally, we will suggest the probable response of the Washington Supreme Court should the proposed legislation (or some variation thereof) be enacted. In so doing, we hope both to clarify the diminished capacity defense in Washington and to demarcate the permissible boundaries of legislative reform. In our view, many aspects of the legislative proposals to modify the diminished capacity defense are unconstitutional. If any or all of these anticipated constitutional challenges prove successful, a number of criminals convicted after enactment of this bill would be entitled to a new trial. Such result would impose significant burdens on the administration of justice as well as increase the prospect that a number of dangerous ...

The principle that the government must not only refrain from providing special preference to a particular religion, but, that it also must stand apart from religion in general is abridged once the government seeks to provide sustenance to religious interests. Government neutrality is preserved, however, when the government merely provides fertile ground on which religious interests can thrive independently. Because state-imposed employment accommodation of religious precepts creates proselytizing opportunities" upon which religious interests flourish and because there is no overriding government interest in requiring such accommodation, Title VII's Randolph Amendment transgresses establishment clause prohibitions. John P. Kelly ========================= The court perhaps considered it unnecessary to explicate fully the parameters of the employer's duty, since the instant case involved an activity that was not related directly to the employer's business operations and required no great expenditure to eliminate. The lack of a clear delineation of what duty an employer owes, however, renders the opinion of questionable usefulness in cases that involve more difficult factual situations.The court also fails to analyze whether injunctive relief is appropriate in all cases in which an employer has breached his duty to provide a safe workplace. Normally, injunctive relief is available only when all remedies at law are inadequate either because the impending harm is not compensable in monetary damages or because the harm is a continuing one that would necessitate a multiplicity of legal actions. Although the plaintiff in the instant case easily could have satisfied either of these conditions, the failure of the court to impose the traditional equity requirements, coupled with the court's broad statement as to its equity powers, may imply that injunctive relief is always available when an employer breaches his duty to provide a safe workplace. The propriety of such expansive injunctive relief, however, may be seriously ...

Seven words stand between the President and the heads of over a dozen "independent agencies": inefficiency, neglect of duty, and malfea­sance in office (INM). The President can remove the heads of these agencies for INM and only INM. But neither Congress nor the courts have defined INM and hence the extent of agency independence. Stepping into this void, some proponents of presidential power argue that INM allows the President to dismiss officials who do not follow presidential directives. Others contend that INM is unconstitutional because it prevents Presidents from fulfilling their duty to take care that the laws are faithfully executed. This Article recovers the lost history of INM, explaining its origins and meaning, inverting our current under­standing of its purpose, and rejecting both challenges to agency independence. It shows that INM provisions are not removal "protec­tions" that prevent at-pleasure removal; they are removal permissions that authorize removal where it is otherwise prohibited by an officer's term of years, a tenure long understood to bar executive removal for any reason. INM provisions are narrow exceptions to term tenures: Neglect of duty and malfeasance in office cash out an official's failure to faith­fully execute official duties, while inefficiency relates to government waste and ineptitude. INM provisions do not permit the President to remove agency heads for failing to follow presidential directives. But they do not clash with the Take Care Clause either, because even on an expansive reading of the clause, INM provisions authorize Presidents to remove unfaithful or incompetent officials.

Indonesia has the potential for social conflict and violence due to blasphemy. Currently, Indonesia has a blasphemy law that has been in effect since 1965. The blasphemy law formed on political factors and tend to ignore the public neutrality. Recently due to a case of blasphemy by the Governor of Jakarta, relevance of blasphemy law be discussed again. This paper analyzes the weakness of the blasphemy laws that regulated in Law No. 1/1965 and interpretation of the Constitutional Court on the Law No. 1/1965. The analysis in this paper, by statute approach, conceptual approach, and case approach, shows the weakness of Law No. 1/1965 in putting itself as an entity that is neutral in matters of religion. This weakness caused Law No. 1/1965 set the Government as the interpreter of the religion scriptures that potentially made the state can not neutral. Therefore, the criminalization of blasphemy should be based on criteria without involving the state as an interpreter of the theological doctrine. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2017.v8n2p57

Después de la independencia del Perú de la Corona Española a principios del siglo XIX, los vencedores de la contienda se vieron en la necesidad de fundar una sociedad política imaginaria que diera sustento jurídico a la 'nación peruana', podría parecer que sólo las naciones originarias o pueblos indígenas habrían podido llenar esta necesidad. Sin embargo, debido al agotamiento político que habían sufrido los grupos indígenas después de las guerras de independencia, el grupo social preeminente criollo/occidental desarrolló un proceso de construcción nacional basado únicamente en sus preceptos culturales y políticos. La constitución del Perú republicano como sociedad política se funda en la realidad post colonial de la historia peruana, y en la relegación jurídica de la diferencia étnica/nacional que atraviesa toda la sociedad a favor de la entronización del criollo como modelo político 'normal' de ciudadano. Esta relegación se ha plasmado en los diecisiete documentos constitucionales que han regido la vida del Perú republicano. Este artículo expone, desde una perspectiva socio jurídica, el tratamiento que desde el Derecho constitucional peruano se ha dado a la multiculturalidad. Con este objetivo describe la sociedad postcolonial multicultural peruana caracterizada por la existencia de una sociedad compuesta por varios grupos culturales (naciones) en grandes espacios territoriales, y también por diversos grupos étnicos presentes en las grandes ciudades. Resume las respuestas que el Estado ha dado a la diferencia cultural. Identifica, a grandes rasgos, las dos tendencias del pensamiento social y político que tienen influencia en el constitucionalismo peruano sobre la diferencia cultural, trazando una propuesta de los períodos que ha atravesado su desarrollo. Finalmente, propongo algunas ideas para superar la tendencia jurídica cultural de relegación de la realidad multicultural del Perú. ; After the independence of Peru from the Spanish Crown at the beginning of 19 the century, the victorious of the contest met in the need to found an imaginary political society which would give a juridical sustenance to the 'Peruvian nation', it might seem that only the original nations or indigenous peoples might have filled this need. Nevertheless, due to the political depletion that the indigenous groups had suffered after the wars of independence, the Creole/western social pre-eminent group developed a process of national construction based only on its cultural and political precepts. The constitution of republican Peru as a political society is founded on the post colonial reality of the Peruvian history, and on the juridical relegation of the ethnic/national difference that crosses the whole society in favour of the enthronement of the Creole as political 'normal' model of citizen. This relegation has taken form of seventeen constitutional documents that have governed the life of republican Peru. This article exposes, from a socio juridical perspective, the treatment that the Peruvian Constitutional law has given to the multiculturality. With this objective it describes the postcolonial multicultural Peruvian society characterized by the existence of a society composed by several cultural groups (nations) in big territorial spaces, and also for diverse ethnic groups present in the big cities. It summarizes the answers that the State has given to the cultural difference. It identifies, in to big features, two trends of the social and political thought that have influenced the Peruvian constitutionalism on the cultural difference, planning a proposal about the period that has crossed its development. Finally, I propose some ideas to overcome the juridical cultural trend of relegation of the multicultural reality of Peru. ; Depois da independência do o Peru da Corona Española a princípios do século XIX, os vencedores da disputa se viram na necessidade de fundar uma sociedade política imaginária que desse sustento jurídico à 'nação peruana', poderia parecer que só as nações originárias ou povos indígenas haveriam cheio esta necessidade. No entanto, devido ao esgotamento político que tinham sofrido os grupos indígenas depois das guerras de independência, o grupo social preeminente crioulo/ocidental desenvolveu um processo de construção nacional baseado unicamente nos seus preceitos culturais e políticos. A constituição do o Peru republicano como sociedade política se capa na realidade post colonial da história peruana, e na relegación jurídica da diferença étnica/nacional que atravessa toda a sociedade a favor da entronização do crioulo como modelo político 'normal' de cidadão. Esta relegación se plasmou nos dezessete documentos constitucionais que regeram a vida do o Peru republicano. Este artigo expõe, desde uma perspectiva sócio jurídica, o tratamento que desde o Direito Constitucional peruano se há dado à multiculturalidade. Com este objetivo descreve a sociedade postcolonial multicultural peruana caracterizada pela existência de uma sociedade composta por vários grupos culturais (nações) em grandes espaços territoriais, e também por diversos grupos étnicos presentes nas grandes cidades. Resume as respostas que o Estado há dado à diferença cultural. Identifica, a grandes rasgos, as duas tendências do pensamento social e político que têm influência no constitucionalismo peruano sobre a diferença cultural, traçando uma proposta dos períodos que atravessou seu desenvolvimento. Finalmente, proponho algumas idéias para superar a tendência jurídica cultural de relegación da realidade multicultural do o Peru.

In this introduction to the issue on New Trends in Latin American Con-stitutionalism, Santiago Legarre offers his remarks at the opening of the con-ference on New Trends in Latin American Constitutionalism held at NotreDame Law School in 2013. After briefly recounting the origins of the con-ference, Legarre summarizes some of the key modern challenges in LatinAmerica and the role of constitutionalism in addressing these challenges.Legarre pays particular attention to the rapid growth of income inequalityin the region. He ultimately concludes that some of the major challengesto the region are rooted in a lack of consensus about the common goodas well as a lack of respect for the law. Legarre argues that the solutionto these problems lies in fostering conversations about the proper goals ofLatin American societies and in the political and judicial leaders of LatinAmerica displaying greater fidelity to the principles underlying their respec-tive constitutions ; Fil: Legarre, Santiago. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Pontificia Universidad Católica Argentina "Santa María de los Buenos Aires"; Argentina

This authoritative reference guide includes a comprehensive history of Mississippi's constitutional developments over the past 175 years and points to needs for contemporary reform. The volume provides the text of the constitution, including an article-by-article commentary, and uses court cases and interpretative opinions over the past century to demonstrate changes in Mississippi's fundamental law. The Mississippi State Constitution also includes a bibliography, table of cases, and full index. This unparalleled commentary provides a broad understanding of state constitutional law within the

The author explores the values and forces that influenced judicial and federal cabinet decisions regarding the constitutional validity of over one hundred BC statutes discriminating against persons of the Japanese or Chinese race passed between 1872 and 1922. He argues that the interpretation of the constitutional division of powers was shaped by a racist ideology that viewed Asian immigrants as different from, and inferior to, European immigrants in all respects but one: their capacity for work. In this, the first part of his study, he focuses on the nature of the federal disallowance power and the reasons why it was used to veto the BC Immigration Acts that had the effect of prohibiting Chinese, and later, Japanese immigration.

The paper is dedicated to the researching of the semantics of the category of "organizational and legal mechanism of implementation of the Constitutional Right to housing". There is noted, that qualitative research of any issue demands, first of all, clear conceptual apparatus and deep understanding of it. This is the is an essential prerequisite for skillful use of terminology in the process of arguing their position on the subject of research. The purpose of the paper is to reveal the semantics of the category "organizational and legal mechanism for the implementation of the constitutional right to housing" with the subsequent formation of the author's definition of the studied category. The content of main categories and concepts such as mechanism, mechanism of implementation, mechanism of law, mechanism of implementation of law, organizational mechanism, and law mechanism are defined with the help of methods of lexical and semantic analysis, fragmentation and defragmentation of lexical units, scientific compilation. Definition of category of "organizational and law mechanism of implementation of Constitutional Right to Housing" is formulated by author. There is suggested to understand the "organizational and law mechanism of implementation of Constitutional Right to Housing" as the system of legislative, by-laws and local regulations that correlate with the provisions of the Constitution of Ukraine on the right to housing, and are aimed at regulating the sphere of public housing relations, and public authorities, local governments, enterprises, institutions and organizations cooperating among themselves in order to transform the rules of law enshrined in these regulations into practical lawful activities of legal entities in the field of social and housing relations. ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню семантики категорії «організаційно-правовий механізм реалізації конституційного права на житло». Зазначено, що якісне дослідження будь-якої проблематики потребує, перш за все, чітко окресленого понятійно-категорійного апарату, його глибокогорозуміння, що своєю чергою є неодмінною передумовою вмілого оперування термінологією у процесі аргументування своєї позиції щодо предмета дослідження. Метою статті є розкриття семантики категорії «організаційно-правовий механізм реалізації конституційного права на житло» з подальшим формуванням авторської дефініції досліджуваної категорії. Шляхом використання методів лексико-семантичного аналізу, фрагментації та дефрагментації лексичних одиниць, наукової компіляції вивчено змістове навантаження основних понять та категорій -механізм, механізм реалізації, механізм права, механізм реалізації права, організаційний механізм, правовий механізм - котрі утворюють досліджувану категорію. На основі отриманого матеріалу сформульовано авторське розуміння категорії «організаційно-правовий механізм реалізації конституційного права на житло». Запропоновано під організаційно-правовим механізмом реалізації конституційного права на житло розуміти систему законодавчих, підзаконних і локальних нормативно-правових актів, що корелюються з положеннями Конституції України щодо права на житло і спрямовані на урегулювання сфери суспільно-правових житлових відносин, та органів державної влади, органів місцевого самоврядування, підприємств, установ і організацій, що взаємодіють із метою перетворення норм права, закріплених у названих нормативно-правових актах, на практичні правомірні активності суб'єктів права у сфері суспільно-правових житлових відносин.

Judge Michael Hawkins addresses a number of important issues in his essay on John Quincy Adams' evolving understanding and relationship with slavery and the variegated role that law played in the politics of slavery and the slavery of politics. The essay demonstrates the importance of human personality in influencing and being influenced by political and legal processes. At its heart, the Article is a legal and historical study of the moral dimension and inherent contradictions facing Adams, in particular, and the American Republic, in general, regarding the existence and persistence of the institution of slavery in a nation built upon principles of universal freedom and equality. In my reading of Judge Hawkins analysis, I found interesting parallels and divergences between the experience of Africans and African ­Americans with those of the indigenous nations of the Americas. One parallel already mentioned is that of the inherent contradiction in the United States Constitution that, on the one hand, banned the slave trade after 1808 yet respected the legality of slavery for many more years. Similarly, tribes, through their treaty-based relationship with the United States and preexisting status as distinctive polities, have been dealt with as sovereign bodies, yet Congress and the courts have also asserted plenary (read: absolute) power to terminate or restrain that sovereignty at any time.