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International Space Law and the United Nations is a comprehensive collection of writings by the author on this latest branch of international law. The book covers a number of subjects highlighted by discussions of the United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space and its Legal Subcommittee. The book also takes into account the influences that international organizations have had on the development of space law and includes several perspectives of developing countries on this subject. This publication is an outstanding educational and reference tool, as the author tackles this complex subject in an organized and rational manner. The author, a key participant at the United Nations in the development of international law relating to activities in space, traces the history of that development, giving clear insight into the workings of the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, and establishes space law as a distinct legal discipline. Subsequent chapters are devoted to the various issues that have given rise to the growth of this discipline, including arms control; economic and social development; specific provisions contained in the outer space treaties and how they relate to practical matters, such as dispute resolution; private sector growth and commercialization in space activities; international cooperative programmes, particularly those developed under the auspices of the United Nations, and recent developments and future issues facing the space-faring community. The book is an excellent source for further research in the field of space law. It is a must for students and practitioners and those interested in international organizations

The term "middle power" is a convenient one that has come into general use as a means of avoiding the unreality of a simple division of states into "great" and "small". While attempts to find a yardstick for the measurement of states have been fruitless, there can be some agreement on the categories. For practical purposes the great powers at the present time are those which hold permanent seats on the Security Council, just as during the war they were those which participated in the meetings of heads of government on high policial and military policy. There are clearly also a number of smaller states which, because of limited resources or small population, or both, are commonly ranked as small powers. In between lie a number of countries which make no claim to the title of great power, but have been shown to be capable of exerting a degree of strength and influence not found in the small powers. These are the middle powers. There is no agreed list because, while there is a fixed, if arbitrary, boundary between them and the great powers, there are, as it were, marginal powers which might be classified as "middle" or "small". Probably, however, the following members of the United Nations would generally be recognized as middle powers: in Europe — Belgium, the Netherlands, and Poland; in the Americas — Argentina, Brazil, Canada, and Mexico; in the Pacific — Australia, and India.

Fully indexed, the 1992 edition of the Yearbook is the single most current, comprehensive and authoritative reference publication about the work of the United Nations, other international organizations and related bodies. The book is designed not just for use by diplomats, officials and scholars but also by other researchers, writers, journalists, teachers and students. The year 1992 was a remarkably eventful one for the United Nations and in the conduct of international relations. This volume of the Yearbook details the activities of the United Nations, its many organs, agencies and programmes, working together to rekindle a new form of multilateral cooperation for a better world. It records the diverse and globe-encompassing activities of the United Nations and its enduring efforts to deal with the world's pressing concerns, particularly matters of international peace and security, disarmament, human rights, the settlement of regional conflicts, economic and social development, the preservation of the environment, control of drugs and narcotic substance abuse, crime prevention, adequate shelter, youth and the ageing and humanitarian assistance for refugees as well as disaster relief. The Yearbooks for the years 1988, 1989 and 1990 are expected to be published within the next two years

For decades, the Democrats have been viewed as the party of the poor, with the Republicans representing the rich. Recent presidential elections, however, have shown a reverse pattern, with Democrats performing well in the richer blue states in the northeast and coasts, and Republicans dominating in the red states in the middle of the country and the south. Through multilevel modeling of individual-level survey data and county- and state-level demographic and electoral data, we reconcile these patterns. Furthermore, we find that income matters more in red America than in blue America. In poor states, rich people are much more likely than poor people to vote for the Republican presidential candidate, but in rich states (such as Connecticut), income has a very low correlation with vote preference.

The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) held its twelfth General Conference in Paris from November 9 to December 12, 1962, under the presidency of Mr. Paulo de Berrêdo Carneiro (Brazil). One of the Conference's first actions was to elect for a six-year term as Director-General Mr. René Maheu (France), who had served as Acting Director-General since the resignation of Dr. Vittorino Veronese (Italy) in 1961.

Avec la Révolution française et sa politique de la langue, s'est posée de manière radicale la question des relations qu'entretiennent « langue » et « nation ». Cet article repère dans la mutation des discours français sur les « langues premières » de la Restauration à l'avènement de la Troisième République l'émergence d'une pensée républicaine de la nation pour laquelle l'appartenance politique n'est plus ordonnée à l'enquête ethnolinguistique. Dans les discours sur les « langues premières » de la Restauration à la Troisième République se lit une dynamique de rupture quant à la conception du lien entre communauté politique et langues premières : si des auteurs tels que Nodier ou Michelet trouvaient dans les langues des pères (les « patois ») ou dans celles des supposés ancêtres indo-européens les sources d'une régénération politique, la cité moderne qui s'esquisse en creux dans La Cité antique de Fustel et l'identité nationale que défend Renan contre Strauss ne plongent leurs racines ni dans l'antiquité indo-européenne ni dans les profondeurs du terroir dialectal. Se dessine alors une certaine conception de la nation pour laquelle ne fait plus sens l'ancrage dans les mondes humains sédimentés dans les langues premières.

In October 2014, Serbia's European Championships qualifying match against Albania was abandoned after a drone flew onto the pitch in Belgrade with a banner showing Kosovo as part of a Greater Albania, provoking a fight between both teams and their fans. While the flight of the drone was a technologically novel reminder that the nation's territorial space is not two-dimensional but three-dimensional, the subject of a politics of verticality and volume (Weizman 2012,12; Elden 2013), the imagery of its invasive entry and violent ejection from the symbolic territory, and the battlefield of the nation underlined a point that could have been made at any point since the institutionalization of international sporting competition in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries: that controversies over sports, between and within nations, reveal the deeper conflicts about territorial and cultural boundaries that are the very process of constructing national identity. Yet all this has taken place within a framework of supposed internationalism and sporting fraternity; indeed, it is the very structure of organized, scheduled competition between nations that makes these sporting encounters regular and possible.

ExtractIn October 2014, Serbia's European Championships qualifying match against Albania was abandoned after a drone flew onto the pitch in Belgrade with a banner showing Kosovo as part of a Greater Albania, provoking a fight between both teams and their fans. While the flight of the drone was a technologically novel reminder that the nation's territorial space is not two-dimensional but three-dimensional, the subject of a politics of verticality and volume (Weizman 2012,12; Elden 2013), the imagery of its invasive entry and violent ejection from the symbolic territory, and the battlefield of the nation underlined a point that could have been made at any point since the institutionalization of international sporting competition in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries: that controversies over sports, between and within nations, reveal the deeper conflicts about territorial and cultural boundaries that are the very process of constructing national identity. Yet all this has taken place within a framework of supposed internationalism and sporting fraternity; indeed, it is the very structure of organized, scheduled competition between nations that makes these sporting encounters regular and possible.

History is conventionally imagined and narrated in the context of the nation, relating its stories and shaped by its imaginaries. To the extent the latter are selectively re-encoded into seemingly wider scales or spaces of historical narration, projects such as global history may be said to be oxymorons. Historians in the post-colonial world have also long been aware of the nation's shadow even in purportedly transnational projects emanating from the North, yet many remain similarly in thrall to the nation. In surveying the various levels at which histories have attempted to be narrated purportedly beyond the boundaries of nations, this article argues for a more consciously layered awareness of our multiple historical locations. Life unfolds at multiple levels and spaces between which exist complex overlays, tensions, conflicts and connections. Besides the conventions and expediencies of scholarship, often in practice historians too, will feel impelled to privilege one or another level or locus for their stories. However it is important to be aware of the reasons and limitations of such choices, and that no level or locus of analysis can credibly claim to subsume all others, or render them redundant.

Data for the yrs 1946-1959 on 13 variables measuring various kinds of violent & nonviolent, soc & pol'al conflict within 113 countries were inter-r'ed & factor analyzed through oblique rotation. Comparison of the results with that of other studies suggests that: (1) intra-nation conflict behavior is highly structured in terms of independent clusters of activities; (2) a spontaneous kind of conflict behavior reflected in riots & demonstrations, ie, turnoil, is a major dimension of intra-nation conflict behavior; (3) independently of a turmoil dimension, intra-nation conflict behavior also involves planned behavior represented by revolution & subversion dimensions, or their combination into one internal war dimension. AA.

"Der Erfolg der Vereinten Nationen zeigt sich darin, daß sie, im Gegensatz zum Völkerbund, seit nunmehr 50 Jahren bestehen. Ihre Leistungen auf dem Gebiet der Wirtschaft, der Entwicklungs- und Umweltpolitik, der Bekämpfung von Drogen und internationalen Verbrechen werden sehr nachgefragt. Entscheidende Leistungen erbringen sie aber gerade auch auf dem Gebiet der Sicherheit. Sie waren 1945 gegründet worden, um den Krieg aus der Welt zu schaffen. Für die Mitwirkung daran haben die Blauhelme den Friedensnobelpreis erhalten. Natürlich müssen die Vereinten Nationen den veränderten weltpolitischen Bedingungen angepaßt werden. Ihre Organe müssen reformiert, der Sicherheitsrat muß erweitert werden, vornehmlich um Staaten aus der Dritten Welt. Reformiert werden aber muß vor allen Dingen die Politik. 1945 lag der Akzent auf der Friedenserzwingung nach Kapitel VII; heute sollte er auf die Friedenssicherung und die Gewaltvorbeugung rücken, wie dies der Sicherheitsrat 1992 beschlossen hat. Das Konzept der kollektiven Sicherheit war und ist ein Mißverständnis. Statt dessen muß durch die intensivierte Kooperation im Sicherheitsrat vor allem eine neuer Konflikt zwischen den Großmächten verhindert werden. Das Sicherheitsdilemma, die aus der Isolierung entstehende Angst, bildet die größte Gefahr für den Weltfrieden. Reformieren heißt daher vor allen Dingen umdenken, und zwar nicht nur in New York, sondern in den Außenministerien aller Staaten. Sie müssen endlich den Gewaltverzicht praktizieren und zu seinen Gunsten zur rechtzeitigen politischen Konfliktbearbeitung vordringen. Nur so läßt sich die internationale Politik schaffen, in deren Rahmen die regionalen Organisationen und die globalen Vereinten Nationen den Frieden sichern können." (Autorenreferat)