Suchergebnisse

The growth of European colonial empires occurred during a period of intense international conflict. This article examines how the international position of colonial states altered the distribution of wealth within indigenous societies. Colonial administrators favored precolonial elites only if they were militarily and financially secure, a pattern that stems from balancing the advantages of working with these groups against their higher probability of revolt. This theory is tested using data on the wealth of Indian caste groups. In areas annexed at times of European war, precolonial elites are poorer than other groups, whereas they remain richer in areas annexed at other times and in indirectly ruled areas. These results appear not to stem from preexisting differences between regions. The results highlight the variable impact of colonialism within societies, and the importance of the international system in shaping colonial and postcolonial outcomes.

That we consider the state-based system as best representing the individual is the product of a particular world view. A 'naturalized myth' renders inevitable the link between the physicality of the observable landscape and the state as a means of organizing a polity. This myth lingers on in international legal scholarship, although it has been debunked in other disciplines, notably in critical political geography. (Public) international lawyers can learn from their brethren in other disciplines and problematize the territorial state as a contingent political concept. Awareness of the social production of space may allow lawyers to imagine practices of resistance to the spatial status quo, in particular rights of non-state actors in the production of international law, alongside states, and obligations and responsibilities of non-state actors, especially where states have proved unable to properly assume roles of protection vis-à-vis individuals under their formal jurisdiction.

Building the «Opium Evil» Consensus. The International Opium Commission of Shanghai Global narcotics control in the twentieth century developed based on the consensus that the use of drugs for non-medical purposes was morally despicable and therefore needed to be prohibited. This premise was first agreed upon by the International Opium Commission of Shanghai in 1909 and resulted from negotiations between delegations from China, the U.S. and the British Empire. Their differing perspectives on opium and on the opium trade shaped their positions of negotiation: all had to some extent experienced domestic opium problems but their economic interest in the opium trade did not align. Open negotiation and institutionalized international cooperation boosted moral arguments against what was conceived as the «opium evil». Under these conditions the U.S. and China managed to build the foundation for a prohibitive global narcotics regime that fit their purposes.

Everyone has the right to acquire a nationality. However, situations of statelessness persist. International commercial surrogacy presents a very specific contemporary challenge because in such cases it may be difficult for the child's legal parentage to be established or recognised. This may result in serious consequences for the child including statelessness. Recognising this lack of harmonisation and potential child rights violations, a variety of actors are currently mapping State approaches to surrogacy. Furthermore, the Secretariat of the Hague Conference on International Law has also been analysing legislation in order to identify existing gaps and to consider possible reforms. There is a need to continue research in this field and to propose practical and feasible solutions. As with individual cases, any measures adopted and implemented to address the challenges presented by international surrogacy should make the best interests of the child a primary consideration and leave no child stateless.

After the failure of the Rambouillet conference following the intervention of the 19 most developed countries against Serbian targets thus paving the path establishing NATO troops in Kosovo and the signing of the military-technical agreement in Kumanovo which marked the end of the NATO bombing and the withdrawal of Serbian forces from the territory of Kosovo. The end of the war in Kosovo in 1999 opened a new chapter together with the international community based on Resolution 1244 in which Kosovo came under International protectorate. Priority will be given to safety, standards and status, while the benchmark was the Provisional Administrative Council and UNMIK who started the Kosovo state-building approach. As the foundation in 2001 will be prepared Constitutional Framework of Kosovo and as a result will begin the formation of local institutions under the supervision of the European and the international community. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n6p359

In the final decade of the New Order regime, Indonesian labor activists turned to international organizations as a key ally in the dangerous work of challenging the state-controlled labor regime. As the political context has become more open, international organizations have continued to play an important role in the labor movement. This paper examines the changing role of transnational labor activism in democratic Indonesia. First, the paper describes the emergence of the discourse of global labor rights in response to the challenges of globalization. It then sketches the historical relationship between the Indonesian state, the labor movement, and international activists. Finally, the paper examines an internationally supported union organizing campaign. Drawing upon the literature on discursive framing, the case suggests that while internationally circulating, rights-based discourses remain an important resource for domestic activists, such discourses must be translated and modified for the local political context.

Growing migrant worker remittances are regarded as an important and more reliable source of capital to finance development in South and Southeast Asia than international aid and foreign direct investment. International financial institutions (IFIs) have proselytized based on this promise and have represented the feminization of labor migration as injecting more momentum into developmental potential. Many Asian governments have been won over by this promise, establishing labor-export policies to generate overseas earnings. This promise has also colored feminist interventions, especially within international agencies focused on migrant women workers' rights, which emphasize the need to redress labor market disadvantage for migrant domestic workers in particular. Insofar as labor-export programs are based on temporary migration, this study argues that the focus of support for migrant women workers fails to address the systemic disadvantage associated with temporariness. KEYWORDS: Division of labor, globalization, migrant labor, occupational segregation

Since the collapse of the state in Somalia in 1991 the country has been the recipient of numerous international interventions and operations but has not as yet reached a sustainable peaceful settlement, despite at one point costing the UN almost two billion dollars a year in its operations. In contrast Somaliland, the area that seceded in the north, despite not being recognised by international governments and having been on the brink of several civil wars, has reached a level of political reconciliation and economic growth that compares favourably to the rest of Somalia. This article argues that the international actors' misinterpretation of Somali social and political organisation during intervention, Somaliland's ability to engage in a form of democracy that is based on traditional politics and the different experience the area had during colonialism has meant that its society has reached an unlikely level of peace and reconciliation.

Dans l'œil du Sphinx : Claude Morin et les relations
internationales du Québec., Jean Décary,
Montréal : vlb éditeur, Collection " Études
québécoises ", 2005. 241p.L'année 2005 est celle des quarante ans de la fameuse
déclaration de Paul Gérin-Lajoie devant le corps consulaire
de Montréal et elle aura été marquée par un
retour à l'avant-scène des questions liées au
rôle international du Québec. Le sujet a
défrayé la manchette des chroniqueurs politiques au
momentoù Québec et Ottawa cherchaient toujours à
définir un modus operandi acceptable de part et
d'autre; un colloque d'importance a été
organisé au printemps 2005 et deux ouvrages en seront issus; enfin,
la même maison d'édition qui nous livre aujourd'hui
une analyse de la contribution de Claude Morin à
l'établissement des relations internationales du
Québec, nous avait fourni un essai sur la carrière d'un
autre acteur d'importance dans le domaine, André Patry. Le
sujet est donc d'actualité.

There has been an unprecedented increase in international population movement in the Asia-Pacific region in the last decade. The causes of this are complex and associated with the rapid economic and social change in the region, the forces of globalization, improvements in transport and communication and proliferation of migration networks. However, the present paper suggests that one element which needs to be considered in explaining contemporary international migration but especially in anticipating trends over the next decade are the differential patterns of growth of population within the region. While population growth overall has slowed, the work force age groups will continue to grow rapidly in Asia over the next decade or so and the contrasts between individual countries will increase. The proportion in the peak mobility age groups will thus continue to grow rapidly in particular countries and will be one of the elements contributing to increased levels of international migration within and out of the region.

Generally, agreements made between subjects of international law can adopt diverse contents. Due to their status in international law system, these treaties can play different roles resulting in different repercussions. In this sense, lack of a benchmark to be used as distinguishing between treaties and other international instruments might cause problems in the system of international law of treaties because its paradigm has always been the locus of dialectic issues hold between legal scholars. JCPOA is not devoid of this dialectic since it is considered as a new pattern for solving problems in international relations. Hence, it is very important to determine the position of JCPOA in the system of international law, particularly in terms of its role within the international society, nature of subject matter, and parties. Therefore, the present study is aimed at offering an investigation of JCPOA and its comprising columns to come to an answer to the question of whether JCPOA is an international treaty or another instrument. Investigating the content of JCPOA and its comprising columns and also offering an interpretation on definition of 'treaty' from the viewpoint of1969 Convention, it is concluded that not only do not the content of JCPOA and the intentions of its writers imply a treaty, but also rules of international law of treaties and Vienna Convention confirm this too.

In the international standardization on the direction "documentation and informatics", including librarianship, an active process of revising standards in force is taking place. In the renovated wordings of international standards, tendencies of document environment evolution reflect themselves through description of partnership modes between libraries and partner organizations, means of supplying users with information products and services. The main trend of international standardization is the revision of outdate standards and the inclusion of objects descriptions and technologies of the electronic environment, renovation of standards in force, development of new documents for innovative directions of library activities – that is what the article is aimed at.