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The process of change in international relations-characterized by the relative declining power of leading capitalist countries, by the increasing significance of socialist countries, and by the growing efforts in the direction of cooperation between Third World countries-may have profound implications for the emergence of new power constellations. But, for all the change, the overall international structure of economic relations (in terms of the orientation of trade and investment flows and the distribution of economic potential) has remained, by and large, intact, with the economic hegemony of the United States, within the West as well as internationally, still indisputable. Nevertheless, the change has posed a choice between two strategies of economic development, viz. interdependence and self-reliance, the one basically aimed at maintaining the structure of dominance-dependency relationship and the other at breaking out of it. The author analyzes both in their various aspects and shows which is best calculated to meet the basic human needs of all.

The history of the Argentine interior during the nineteenth century has often escaped the attention of researchers attracted to the dramatic economic and political growth of the eastern riverine provinces. Included in this oversight has been the plight of the rural laboring classes, unless associated with studies of immigrants. It has been easier to trace the impact and lifestyles of coastal elites—the estanciero, the merchant, the caudillo, and the politician—and the urban working class, than to reconstruct the life of the provincial peon. The study of the lower classes in general has been further impeded by the dramatic but stereotyped visions of the gaucho and other rural characters immortalized by writers such as Sarmiento, Hernández, Güiraldes, and Martínez Estrada. Finally, the illteracy of creole workers has left us with limited personal records of their existence. Yet despite all the inconveniences involved in the study of the rural working class, it is still possible to reconstruct aspects of its social, political, and economic conditions.

This article evaluates one means—political gaming—for coping with the distorted processes and perceptions that are present in foreign policy making during crises. Political games are exercises in which teams representing national governments meet and discuss crisis situations presented in scenarios. American foreign policy makers have engaged in this activity since the late logo's at the RAND Corporation, M.I.T., the Pentagon, and the C.I.A. Several hypotheses are developed on the changes in decisionmaking processes generated through political gaming, and on the nature of international perceptions during crises, as reflected through political gaming. These hypotheses are evaluated by means of data from the only unclassified professional-level games on international crises (those at RAND and M.I.T.), from a series of student games conducted at Yale, and from insights gained by the author's direction of two C.I.A. games. The results show that political gaming is indeed effective in improving decision making during crises, and they introduce some new aspects into accepted wisdom about international perceptions during crises.

Urban growth has been one of the most striking characteristics of twentieth-century Latin American history and the focus of considerable scholarly interest (Morse, 1971, 1965). For the most part the main academic concentration has been on the social and economic aspects of this phenomenon. Political considerations have been confined to speculations on the potential radicalism of slum dwellers or the spontaneous self-governing institutions of new communities. Little attention has been paid to the role of municipal politics and government in national life.With these considerations in mind, the purpose of this paper is to trace the development of politics and the governmental process in the city of Buenos Aires, Argentina between 1918 and 1930. This discussion will focus on a period when electoral reform opened up city politics for the first time to a large sector of the electorate and allowed, also for the first time, participation in municipal government of parties representing new social and economic groups.

This paper describes how the contributions that different groups make to a party's total strength can be specified by breaking down each contribution into its three components—size, turnout, and loyalty. Through the use of survey data on reported vote rather than party identification, the voting coalitions of the Democrats and Republicans are analyzed. By means of examples of selected groups, the actual magnitude of these contributions and their components are presented for each of the last five presidential elections. Major attention is given to a group-by-group evaluation of the generally accepted view that the Democrats are a coalition of diverse overlapping minorities including the poor, Blacks, union members, Catholics and Jews, Southerners, city dwellers and perhaps the young; and the view that the Republicans have appeal for the corresponding non-minorities. The empirical results show which aspects of these views are valid and which are not. Some implications for the party system as well as the strategic considerations inherent in this approach are also discussed.

Virtual Network Functions allow the effective separation between hardware and network functionality, a strong paradigm shift from previously tightly integrated monolithic, vendor, and technology dependent deployments. In this virtualized paradigm, all aspects of network operations can be made to deploy on demand, dynamically scale, as well as be shared and interworked in ways that mirror behaviors of general cloud computing. To date, although seeing rising demand, distributed ledger technology remains largely incompatible in such elastic deployments, by its nature as functioning as an immutable record store. This work focuses on the structural incompatibility of current blockchain designs and proposes a novel, temporal blockchain design built atop federated byzantine agreement, which has the ability to dynamically scale and be packaged as a Virtual Network Function (VNF) for the 5G Core. ; This work was partially funded by the Spanish and Catalan Governments through the project "Plan Nacional": AEI/FEDER TEC2016-79510 "Redes Con Celdas Densas y Masivas" and the SGR2017-2019.

Homosexuality, though proven to be a naturally occurring phenomenon, has been a recurring subject of controversy: for years, homosexuality was classified as a disease, labeling gay citizen as sick at best, perverts at worst. As recently as fifty years ago, seen the best reception an active homosexual could hope for was to be seen as having a terrible affliction which must be cured. Gay citizens were treated as second-class citizens, with every aspect of their lifestyles condemned by society and the government. This thesis is a history of the changing social and legal status of homosexuality in the United States, from the 1920's. Something certainly has changed, in law and society, and I propose to explore the change and to explain why and how it happened. ; homosexual, gay, law, legal, social, status ; A Thesis submitted to the Department of Criminology & Criminal Justice Theses and Dissertations In partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with Honors in the Major. ; Spring Semester, 2014. ; May 2, 2014.

A decade ago, the study of pidgin and creole languages was highly compartmentalized. Very few linguists dealt with both pidgins and creoles. Few students of creole English were aware of current studies in other widely separated geographical areas, even of studies of the same language (e.g., Chinese pidgin English, Hawaiian English, Jamaican creole, and West African Krio). This compartmentalization is now rapidly breaking down. Linguists now view pidgins and creoles as two phases, perhaps even as only two aspects, of the same linguistic process. The geographical and interlingual barriers have so eroded that although a linguist may think of himself as primarily a Caribbeanist or a French creolist, he can no longer ignore work in other areas and other languages. Students of Haitian French and of Trinidadian English realize that they are dealing not with similar linguistic problems, but with the same linguistic problem. There is an increasing tendency to speak not of creoles but of creole.

Afanasii Fet was a poet profoundly interested in philosophy, and yet it seemed to some that his verse lacked depth of thought; a realistic and very practical man, he wrote poems remote from the concerns of daily life, immersed in the ephemeral world of nightingales and roses. The key to this apparent contradiction is the concept of beauty that is central to the work of Fet and that enables him to maintain a consistent outlook on life and on art. Fet himself described this outlook as follows: "As poetry itself is the re-creation not of the whole subject but only of its beauty, so poetic thought is only a reflection of philosophical thought, and again it is a reflection of its beauty; its other aspects are of no concern to poetry." In other words, an artist may take into account the "whole subject" in his practical concerns and strive to comprehend all facets of philosophy in his intellectual endeavors, but his art fulfills itself only in speaking of the beautiful.

Among the one hundred or so business-type activities of the Government are certain operations of the Atomic Energy Commission. In this article we shall examine the origin, growth and usefulness of just one phase of these AEC activities, that is, the production and distribution of radioisotopes. This activity is singled out for emphasis partly because of the remarkable success story resulting from the use of such isotopes, but more especially because of an unusual and even unique aspect of "state trading" introduced into the business by the AEC. We refer to, and shall explain in some detail, an unusual self-limiting feature which the Commission has invoked to bring the governmental activity to an end if, and when, private nuclear enterprise enters the field and serves the needs of consumers. It is this last feature that warrants calling the Commission's radioisotope activity something notable; in fact, it is virtually an ideal in state trading and a credit to a free enterprise economy.

The twelfth annual meeting of the Board of Governors of the International Monetary Fund was held jointly with the Board of Governors of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development in Washington D.C., September 23–26, 1957, under the chairmanship of Miguel Cuaderno, Sr. Per Jacobsson, Managing Director, reviewed the activities of the Fund during the previous year. Emphasizing that the Fund's assistance was of a short-term nature and designed to enable countries to adopt and carry out, within a limited period of time, programs to restore stability to their economies, Mr. Jacobsson stated that the Fund was being used to help countries meet emergency needs, ease strain in the balance of payments, meet temporary exchange difficulties, and fulfill stabilization programs. Mr. Jacobsson went on to discuss various problems encountered in connection with the Fund's activities and cited, inter alia, multiple currency practices, Fund liquidity, and, in connection with general aspects of the world economy, inflation, relative values of currencies, and financing for underdeveloped countries.

Reviews in this article:Moses I. Finlay. Studies in Land and Credit in Ancient Athens, 500‐200 B.C. The Horos‐Inscriptions.Sir John Craig. The Mint. A History of the London Mint from A. D. 287 to 1948.L. E. Harris. Vermyden and the Fens. A Study of Sir Cornelius Vermuden and the Great LevelVincent Harlow and Frederick Madden (eds). British Colonial Develoment, 1774–1834The Works and Corresfiondence of David Ricardo. Edited by PIERO SRAFFA with the collaboration of M. H. DOBB.A. L. DUNHAM. La Révolution industrielle en Frame, 1815–1848.WALTER BUGKINGHAM SMITH. Economic Aspects of the Second Bank of the United States.T. W. HUTCHISON. A Review of Economic Doctrines 1870–1929J. A. SCHUMPETER. Ten Great Economists.W. Ashworth. History of the Second World War. Contracts and Finance.ANDRÉ MARCHAL. La Pensée économique en France depuis 1945.HERBERT HEATON. A Scholar in Action: Edwin F. Gay.W. F. LEEMANS. The Old Babylonian Merchant: His Business and Hti Social Position.OLWEN BROGAN. Roman Gaul.

Les afectacions per la pandèmia de COVID-19 depenen de determinants socioculturals que blinden a alguns individus o grups dels efectes més severs o tornen a uns altres més susceptibles de sofrir danys a la seva salut, posició social o estabilitat econòmica. El cas de la vacunació és simptomàtic de com grups específics sofreixen major vulnerabilitat per inequitats socioeconòmiques i determinants culturals. Conseqüentment, la resistència a la vacunació entre aquests grups pot aprofundir la vulnerabilitat, per la qual cosa és necessari dissenyar estratègies que, en confrontar la resistència a la vacunació, no deixin de costat aquelles inequitats estructurals que, de no atendre's, continuaran alimentant la suspicàcia i renuència a vacunar-se. En aquest treball sostenim que les polítiques de salut pública enfocades a promoure la vacunació poden beneficiar-se d'un enfocament sindèmic que consideri les sinergies entre malalties i determinants socioeconòmiques i culturals. Això implica introduir problemes de justícia social en la planificació d'estratègies de salut pública. Fent una anàlisi crítica del treball de Norman Daniels —qui aborda la importància moral de la salut pública des d'una interpretació de la teoria de la justícia de J.Rawls— reprenem les crítiques a la justícia com a imparcialitat de les postures comunitarista i de les polítiques de la diferència (específicament I. M. Young), per a mostrar que un enfocament sindèmic de la salut pública és indispensable per a aconseguir una vacunació completa: el disseny d'estratègies haurà de considerar els contextos específics de grups renuents a vacunar-se per a aconseguir eficiència a curt, mitjà i llarg termini. ; The effects of COVID-19 pandemic depend on socio-cultural determinants that shield some individuals or groups from the most severe effects or make others more vulnerable to suffering harms to their health, social position, or economic stability. The case of vaccination is symptomatic of how specific groups suffer a higher degree of vulnerability due to socioeconomic inequalities and cultural determinants. Consequently, vaccine hesitancy among these groups might deepen the vulnerabilities, which is why it is necessary to design strategies that, while confronting vaccine hesitancy, do not ignore those structural inequalities which could continue feeding skepticism and resistance to vaccination, if unattended. In this work we claim that public health policies focused on promoting vaccination may benefit from a syndemic approach that considers the synergies between diseases and socioeconomic and cultural determinants. This implies introducing social justice issues into the planning of public health strategies. By critically analyzing the work of bioethicist Norman Daniels —who goes over the moral importance of public health from an interpretation of John Rawls' theory of justice— we explore the criticism to justice as fairness made by the communitarian and the politics of difference standpoints (specifically, I. M. Young), to show that a syndemic approach to public health is essential to achieve complete vaccination: the design of strategies will have to consider the specific contexts of vaccine hesitant groups, to achieve efficiency vaccinating in the short, medium and long term. ; Las afectaciones por la pandemia de COVID-19 dependen de determinantes socio-culturales que blindan a algunos individuos o grupos de los efectos más severos o vuelven a otros más susceptibles de sufrir daños a su salud, posición social o estabilidad económica. El caso de la vacunación es sintomático de cómo grupos específicos sufren mayor vulnerabilidad por inequidades socioeconómicas y determinantes culturales. Consecuentemente, la resistencia a la vacunación entre estos grupos puede profundizar la vulnerabilidad, por lo que es necesario diseñar estrategias que, al confrontar la resistencia a la vacunación, no dejen de lado aquellas inequidades estructurales que, de no atenderse, seguirán alimentando la suspicacia y renuencia a vacunarse. En este trabajo sostenemos que las políticas de salud pública enfocadas a promover la vacunación pueden beneficiarse de un enfoque sindémico que considere las sinergias entre enfermedades y determinantes socioeconómicas y culturales. Esto implica introducir problemas de justicia social en la planificación de estrategias de salud pública. Haciendo un análisis crítico del trabajo del bioeticista Norman Daniels —quien aborda la importancia moral de la salud pública desde una interpretación de la teoría de la justicia de John Rawls— retomamos las críticas a la justicia como imparcialidad de las posturas comunitarista y de las políticas de la diferencia (específicamente I. M. Young), para mostrar que un enfoque sindémico de la salud pública es indispensable para lograr una vacunación completa: el diseño de estrategias tendrá que considerar los contextos específicos de grupos renuentes a vacunarse para lograr eficiencia a corto, mediano y largo plazo.

La corrupción que actualmente erosiona las instituciones del Estado mexicano hace necesario emprender un viaje al pasado para identificar coyunturas, ordenamientos y procesos que dieron pie a la prostitución de los funcionarios gubernamentales. La historiografía contemporánea busca en las sociedades de antiguo régimen los orígenes de prácticas culturales y sociales ligadas a la corrupción, como la compra de cargos públicos y su patrimonialismo. Este artículo ofrece una explicación acerca de las implicaciones de la corrupción sistémica en el contexto colonial americano. Se demostrará que independientemente de la tergiversación de la justicia, que era el objetivo básico del gobierno en la cultura política tradicional, la comercialización de plazas alentó el empoderamiento de nuevas oligarquías urbanas que asumieron, como parte de su legado, el desempeño de oficios en todos los niveles de gobierno e impartición de justicia; herencia que defendieron enconadamente en el siglo XVIII, una vez que la Corona española se decidió a terminar con la práctica arraigada de acceder a los cargos mediante el poder del dinero, en menoscabo de la idoneidad moral de las personas que debía prevalecer, en teoría, sobre cualquier interés. Esta confrontación abrió una etapa de crisis que minó la legitimidad del dominio español sobre América. La voluntad del rey de recuperar sus prerrogativas en el nombramiento de ministros y el cobro de impuestos fue interpretada por las élites criollas como un agravio hacia la arraigada costumbre de que, por derecho natural, les correspondía el gobierno de sus patrias.Palabras clave: Corrupción. Justicia, Venalidad, Patrimonialismo, Legitimidad Corruption and patrimonalism in Spanish America, XVII-XVIII centuriesSummaryThe corruption that currently erodes the institutions of the Mexican State makes it necessary to embark on a journey into the past to identify conjunctures, regulations and processes that led to the prostitution of government officials. Contemporary historiography seeks in the societies of old regime the origins of cultural and social practices linked to corruption, such as the purchase of public offices and their patrimonialism. This article offers an explanation about the implications of systemic corruption in the American colonial context. It will be shown that, independently of the misrepresentation of justice, which was the basic objective of government in the traditional political culture, the commercialization of plazas encouraged the empowerment of new urban oligarchies who assumed, as part of their legacy, the performance of posts in all levels of government and administration of justice; a legacy that they defended bitterly in the eighteenth century, once the Spanish Crown decided to end the ingrained practice of access to the positions by the power of money, in detriment of the moral suitability of people that should prevail, in theory, above any other interest. This confrontation opened a stage of crisis that undermined the legitimacy of Spanish rule over America. The will of the king to regain his prerogatives in the appointment of ministers and the collection of taxes was interpreted by the Creole elites as a grievance to the ingrained habit of which, by natural right, the government of their mother countries belonged to them.Keywords: Corruption, Justice, Venality, Patrimonialism, Legitimacy Corruption et patrimonialisme dans l'Amérique espagnole, XVIIe. – XVIIIe. SièclesRésuméLa corruption qui actuellement érode les institutions de l'État mexicain oblige à entreprendre un voyage vers le passé pour identifier des conjonctures, rangements et processus qui ont donné lieu à la prostitution des fonctionnaires du gouvernement. L'historiographie contemporaine cherche dans les sociétés d'ancien régime les origines de pratiques culturelles et sociales liées à la corruption, comme l'achat des charges publics et leur patrimonialisme. Cet article offre une explication à propos les implications de la corruption systématique dans le contexte colonial américain. Dans ce document, on démontrera qu'indépendamment de la déformation de la justice, qui était l'objectif basique du gouvernement à l'intérieur de la culture politique traditionnelle, la commercialisation des postes a encouragé et rendu fortes les nouvelles oligarchies urbaines qui ont assumé, comme partie de leur héritage, l'exercice des métiers dans tous les niveaux du gouvernement et de l'administration de la justice ; héritage qu'au XVIIIe. Siècle, elles ont défendu obstinément, une fois que la Couronne espagnole a décidé de finir avec la pratique ancrée d'accéder aux postes à travers le pouvoir de l'argent en détérioration de l'aptitude morale des personnes qui devait être privilégiée, en théorie, au-dessus de n'importe quel intérêt. Cette confrontation a ouvert une étape de crise qui a miné la légitimité du domaine espagnol sur l'Amérique. La volonté du roi de récupérer ses prérogatives dans la nomination des ministres et de l'encaissement des impôts a été interprétée par les élites créoles comme une offense vers l'habitude enracinée, que par droit naturel leur correspondait le gouvernement de leurs patries.Mots clés : Corruption, Justice, Vénalité, Patrimonialisme, Légitimité

La corrupción que actualmente erosiona las instituciones del Estado mexicano hace necesario emprender un viaje al pasado para identificar coyunturas, ordenamientos y procesos que dieron pie a la prostitución de los funcionarios gubernamentales. La historiografía contemporánea busca en las sociedades de antiguo régimen los orígenes de prácticas culturales y sociales ligadas a la corrupción, como la compra de cargos públicos y su patrimonialismo. Este artículo ofrece una explicación acerca de las implicaciones de la corrupción sistémica en el contexto colonial americano. Se demostrará que independientemente de la tergiversación de la justicia, que era el objetivo básico del gobierno en la cultura política tradicional, la comercialización de plazas alentó el empoderamiento de nuevas oligarquías urbanas que asumieron, como parte de su legado, el desempeño de oficios en todos los niveles de gobierno e impartición de justicia; herencia que defendieron enconadamente en el siglo XVIII, una vez que la Corona española se decidió a terminar con la práctica arraigada de acceder a los cargos mediante el poder del dinero, en menoscabo de la idoneidad moral de las personas que debía prevalecer, en teoría, sobre cualquier interés. Esta confrontación abrió una etapa de crisis que minó la legitimidad del dominio español sobre América. La voluntad del rey de recuperar sus prerrogativas en el nombramiento de ministros y el cobro de impuestos fue interpretada por las élites criollas como un agravio hacia la arraigada costumbre de que, por derecho natural, les correspondía el gobierno de sus patrias.Palabras clave: Corrupción. Justicia, Venalidad, Patrimonialismo, Legitimidad Corruption and patrimonalism in Spanish America, XVII-XVIII centuriesSummaryThe corruption that currently erodes the institutions of the Mexican State makes it necessary to embark on a journey into the past to identify conjunctures, regulations and processes that led to the prostitution of government officials. Contemporary historiography seeks in the societies of old regime the origins of cultural and social practices linked to corruption, such as the purchase of public offices and their patrimonialism. This article offers an explanation about the implications of systemic corruption in the American colonial context. It will be shown that, independently of the misrepresentation of justice, which was the basic objective of government in the traditional political culture, the commercialization of plazas encouraged the empowerment of new urban oligarchies who assumed, as part of their legacy, the performance of posts in all levels of government and administration of justice; a legacy that they defended bitterly in the eighteenth century, once the Spanish Crown decided to end the ingrained practice of access to the positions by the power of money, in detriment of the moral suitability of people that should prevail, in theory, above any other interest. This confrontation opened a stage of crisis that undermined the legitimacy of Spanish rule over America. The will of the king to regain his prerogatives in the appointment of ministers and the collection of taxes was interpreted by the Creole elites as a grievance to the ingrained habit of which, by natural right, the government of their mother countries belonged to them.Keywords: Corruption, Justice, Venality, Patrimonialism, Legitimacy Corruption et patrimonialisme dans l'Amérique espagnole, XVIIe. – XVIIIe. SièclesRésuméLa corruption qui actuellement érode les institutions de l'État mexicain oblige à entreprendre un voyage vers le passé pour identifier des conjonctures, rangements et processus qui ont donné lieu à la prostitution des fonctionnaires du gouvernement. L'historiographie contemporaine cherche dans les sociétés d'ancien régime les origines de pratiques culturelles et sociales liées à la corruption, comme l'achat des charges publics et leur patrimonialisme. Cet article offre une explication à propos les implications de la corruption systématique dans le contexte colonial américain. Dans ce document, on démontrera qu'indépendamment de la déformation de la justice, qui était l'objectif basique du gouvernement à l'intérieur de la culture politique traditionnelle, la commercialisation des postes a encouragé et rendu fortes les nouvelles oligarchies urbaines qui ont assumé, comme partie de leur héritage, l'exercice des métiers dans tous les niveaux du gouvernement et de l'administration de la justice ; héritage qu'au XVIIIe. Siècle, elles ont défendu obstinément, une fois que la Couronne espagnole a décidé de finir avec la pratique ancrée d'accéder aux postes à travers le pouvoir de l'argent en détérioration de l'aptitude morale des personnes qui devait être privilégiée, en théorie, au-dessus de n'importe quel intérêt. Cette confrontation a ouvert une étape de crise qui a miné la légitimité du domaine espagnol sur l'Amérique. La volonté du roi de récupérer ses prérogatives dans la nomination des ministres et de l'encaissement des impôts a été interprétée par les élites créoles comme une offense vers l'habitude enracinée, que par droit naturel leur correspondait le gouvernement de leurs patries.Mots clés : Corruption, Justice, Vénalité, Patrimonialisme, Légitimité